Discussion:
Muslim Problem, Hindu Solutions: Sid Harth
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chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-11 00:27:44 UTC
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http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Debate/Do-something-substantial-for-minorities/articleshow/4760403.cms

Do something substantial for minorities


10 Jul 2009, 0233 hrs IST,


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In the budget, Pranab Mukerjee made provisions for minority welfare
and for opening two campuses of Aligarh Muslim University in
Malappuram and Asghar Ali Engineer, Centre for Study of Society &
Secularism
Murshidabad. Well, it is a welcome move, given that something is
better than nothing.

However, the amount provided for matric and post-matric scholarships
is a mere trickle, given the Muslim population in India — about 150
million.

For the past sixty years hardly anything was done for Muslims who are
equal to Dalits in backwardness, and now according to the Sachar
Committee data, are trailing behind them. Earlier Congress governments
hardly did anything to pull Muslims out of their backwardness though
they kept on voting for the Congress. What is more regrettable is that
Lalu Yadav and Mulayam Singh who also depended on Muslim votes, were
equally guilty.

The real measure of democracy is what it does for the most
marginalised sections. Mahatma Gandhi also said the real test of
development would be the benefit that accrues to the last man in
society. Seen in that perspective, all central as well as state
governments have failed to do anything worthwhile for minorities.

Indira Gandhi had appointed the Gopal Singh High Committee in the
early eighties which preceded the Sachar Committee. However that
committee’s report was not even tabled in Parliament. And shockingly
enough V P Singh who became PM during the end of the eighties had not
even heard of it!

The irony is that even for such symbolic acts, the BJP immediately
screams ‘appeasement of Muslims’! And most of the middle classes
swallow this ‘appeasement’ theory. This is also one of the factors in
discouraging the Congress government from going beyond symbolism in
doing something substantial for the minorities, especially Muslims.

However, this election has shown that Congress must emerge from the
fear of BJP propaganda and its anti-minorityism as masses of Indian
people have clearly rejected communalism, at least of the extremist
variety.

The Centre should boldly come out with a substantial programme for
uplift of the Muslim masses. That is the government’s democratic
duty.

...and I am Sid harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-11 00:30:26 UTC
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http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Its-not-just-tokenism-but-a-sham/articleshow/4760398.cms

It's not just tokenism, but a sham

10 Jul 2009, 0231 hrs IST,

Welfare of minorities (a euphemism mostly used to describe Muslims in
the country) is not just tokenism, but a sham. Parties that have shown
great GVL Narasimha Rao, Political Analyst & Member, BJP

alacrity in galvanising minorities into vote banks have done little to
promote their welfare. No wonder, a sizeable section of minorities
continue to remain poor both in terms of income poverty and capability
poverty.

Shockingly, the Sachar Committee report which studied backwardness
among Muslims had found that the employment opportunities for Muslims
were the least in West Bengal, a state ruled for the past three
decades by the champions of ultra secularism — the Marxists.

Minorities are a key and integral part of our society and they live in
perfect harmony with other communities all over the country. They
ought to be treated as equals and treating them as a separate bloc may
serve the parochial interests of political parties but has the
potential to cause grievous harm to the society by creating a chasm
between communities.

One great quality of the people of this country is that they do not
discriminate people on the basis of their religion. Stalwarts like
Abdul Kalam are respected by people all over the country; sports stars
like Sania Mirza, Irfan Pathan, Zaheer Khan and film stars like
Shahrukh Khan and Aamir Khan have achieved stardom and are adored by
the whole nation and not just by Muslims.

Why, we even have a prime minister in Dr Manmohan Singh hailing from
the minority Sikh community who has just been re-elected with a bigger
mandate. What more do you need to show that Indian people are truly
secular?

India being a secular nation and Indians being truly secular, religion
should not be the basis for peddling any state sponsored welfare.
There are many poor and deprived sections among the minority as well
as majority communities. They all deserve support and encouragement
from the governments for their uplift.

The very idea of the UPA government forming a separate ministry for
minority (read Muslims) affairs is an act of tokenism and the ministry
deserves to be scrapped.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-11 00:34:57 UTC
Permalink
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Sachar-report-is-Sibals-Bible-in-HRD/articleshow/4606546.cms


Sachar report is Sibal's Bible in HRD

2 Jun 2009, 0516 hrs IST, ET Bureau

NEW DELHI: On his second day in office, human resource development
minister Kapil Sibal turned his attention to efforts to improve the
educational status of Muslims. Large sections of Muslims backed
Congress’ election projects in states like Uttar Pradesh and West
Bengal in the Lok Sabha polls.

In a meeting that lasted nearly an hour, Mr Sibal reviewed efforts
made by the ministry and the state of educational facilities that
Muslims can access. In this crucial sector, the minister will not be
straying too far from his predecessor, Arjun Singh.

The HRD minister's urgency to implement measures to improve the
educational status of Muslims is indicative of the top priority being
accorded to consolidating the Muslim support. The minister is in
favour of setting up a large number of residential schools for girls —
Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya — in minority concentrated districts.
This, Mr Sibal hopes, will increase the penetration of education among
Muslim girl children.

With the Sachar Committee emerging as an important agenda for the UPA
government, Mr Sibal would be pleased that his ministry is on the
right track. There has been an increase in the rate of enrollment of
Muslims at the primary and upper primary levels over the last year.

The enrollment at primary level has increased from 9.4% in 2007-08 to
10.49% in 2008-09. At upper primary level, it increased from 7.5% to
8.54%. The rate of out-of-school children among Muslims has dropped
from 9.97% to 3.43% in recent years.

There are, however, areas of concern as well. Against the target to
appoint 21,945 sanctioned teachers in schools in minority concentrated
areas, only 6,972 could be recruited by December 31, 2008. The
government has been falling behind on its target of setting up new
primary schools in minority concentrated districts as well.

It was to set up 4,404 new primary schools in the minority
concentrated under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, and some 3,000 schools
were actually constructed by December 31 last year.

Other areas where the HRD ministry has not been able to implement the
Sachar panel's recommendation relates to scrutinising school textbooks
for communal content. A national textbook council had been proposed to
undertake this task, but it is yet to get off the drawing board.

On the higher education, the ministry is likely to push the UGC to
link financial allocations for institutions to the diversity in their
student population.

While the policy framework vis-a-vis education of Muslims is largely
defined by the Sachar Committee and the Prime Minsiter's 15-point
programme, the minister is keen on pushing for greater budgetary
allocation for this segment as well.

A senior HRD ministry official said that the minister will push for
adequate budgetary allocation for madarsa modernisation and Urdu
Promotion Council. Even so, Mr Sibal does not want to make
participation in the madarsa modernisation programme compulsory. "It
has to be voluntary", the official said.

The government is implementing Rs 325 crore madarsa modernisation
scheme, and in the last fiscal Rs 12 crore was released to the Urdu
Promotion Council.

Setting up a central madarsa board continues to be on the ministry's
agenda. Final steps would be taken only when there is consensus. The
idea of a central madarsa board has been a contentious affair, with
strong views both for and against.

Despite Mr Arjun Singh's keenness to set up such a board, and many
rounds of consultation not withstanding, the central madarsa board
failed to get off the drawing board. It is expected that the ministry
will review its position on the Equal Opportunity Commission, the HRD
had not lent its support to setting up such a commission on grounds of
duplication of efforts.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-11 00:39:04 UTC
Permalink
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Sachar-pitches-for-yet-another-quota/articleshow/660478.cms

Sachar pitches for yet another quota

1 Dec 2006, 0108 hrs IST, TNN

NEW DELHI: The Rajinder Sachar commission report, tabled in Parliament
on Thursday, has suggested that reservation be given to the most
deprived sections among Muslims through the creation of a new category
called most backward classes (MBCs).

It recommended the constitution of an Equal Opportunity Commission
(EOC) and called for new nomination procedures to increase the
participation of minorities in (political) governance structures at
the grassroots.

The committee, which looked into the relative deprivation of Muslims
as compared to other socio-religious groups (SRCs), suggested that
eligibility for entrance tests, such as those for defence, civil
services and banking examinations, be extended to candidates with
degrees from madrassas. It called for the linking of madrassas with
higher secondary school boards and sought “flexibility” to allow
madrassa graduates to move to mainstream education. It also noted that
the government would have to set up schools where madrassas were not
available, and suggested that a process of evaluating the content of
school textbooks be institutionalised.

The committee recommended promoting priority sector lending among
Muslims and sought policy initiatives to improve the participation of
minorities, especially Muslims, in the business of commercial banks.
It has also called for a policy to enhance the participation of
minorities in the micro-credit schemes of Nabard. It has pointed out
that all the 58 districts with more than 25% of Muslim population need
to be brought under the Prime Minister’s 15-point programme.

The committee called for a “more rational delimitation procedure” that
does not reserve constituencies with high minority population for SCs
— to improve the political participation of the community. It said
that of the 543 Lok Sabha members, only 33 are Muslims. “A mere
material change will not bring about true empowerment of minorities,”
the report said. “Given the power of numbers in a democratic polity,
based on universal franchise, minorities in India lack effective
agency and political importance,” it added.

Observing that only a “very small” proportion of government and public
sector employees are Muslims, that too concentrated at lower
positions, the panel recommended that minority persons could be made
to sit on interview panels.

According to the report, Muslims formed a mere 4.9% of the total
number of government employees (88,44,669). Muslims representation in
security agencies stood at 3.2% of the total of 18,79,134 personnel.
It did not specify whether armed forces were included in the tally. It
also recommended the creation of a National Data Bank (NDB) where all
relevant data for various SRCs could be maintained.

In a section termed ‘linking incentives to diversities’, the committee
said grants can be given to those educational institutions those are
able to have higher diversity and sustain it. The panel also
recommended incentives for private sector to encourage diversity in
the workforce, and for builders for coming up with housing complexes
with diverse resident populations. The Equal Opportunity Commission
(EOC), to look into the grievances of deprived groups, has a precedent
in the UK Race Relations Act 1976, the panel pointed out.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-11 00:41:46 UTC
Permalink
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/UPA-faces-another-quota-riddle/articleshow/462833.cms

UPA faces another quota riddle

18 Nov 2006, 0026 hrs IST, TNN

NEW DELHI: The Sachar committee report — which talks of a ‘legal
basis’ for equal opportunity, while suggesting measures for improving
the socio-economic conditions of Muslims in the country — is likely to
lend ammunition to the demand for a Muslim quota even as the Congress
and the UPA government remain undecided on how to tackle the
expectation politically.

The party, which is yet to recover from the OBC quota hangover, is now
faced with the prospect of being heckled into submission, as before,
by its own quota enthusiasts.

Rajinder Sachar committee’s report, which was presented to Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh on Friday, suggested that Muslims be given
more opportunities for higher participation in governance, that
Madrasas be brought into the mainstream to facilitate their alignment
with other educational institutions and that Muslims be given more
access to bank credit.

While steering clear of recommending any sort of quota — something
that would have turned the government’s dilemma into a full-blown
crisis — it has, however, left a big enough window for the quota
advocates in the UPA such as LJP chief Ram Vilas Paswan, RJD chief
Laloo Yadav and Congress minister AR Antulay to press their case.

The Congress itself could be seen as having joined this pro-quota
group given its first reaction to Mr Antulay’s and senior leader
Veerappa Moily’s statements on the Muslim quota issue. The party had
unearthed its ’04 election manifesto to appear supportive of the two
leaders’ call for inclusion of Dalit Muslims and Christians in the SC/
ST reserved category and for bringing Muslims into the OBC mainstream
respectively.

This backing has now built-up expectations that the Congress will
support the demand for a quota for the disadvantaged in the Muslim
community. Given the constitutional and political impediments in the
path of such a demand, the Congress stands to lose most if it is
forced to back its words with actions. This is so because the party’s
actual stand on the issue is not yet final and the BJP has already
made known its opposition to such a quota.

Sections within the Congress are against another set of reservations
post the OBC-quota episode and this group includes several general
secretaries as well as the party’s minority affairs department. This
Congress cell has distanced itself from the concept of caste
stratification among Muslims. “There can be no ‘Dalit Muslims’, or
‘Thakur Muslims’ or ‘Brahmin Muslims’.

Those who have converted to Islam become just Muslims. Of course there
are stratifications based on class and socio-economic status. Those
who fall at the lower end of this divide must be given some form of
encouragement to better their lot.... like providing monetary aid for
higher education or loans for self-employment,” Congress minority
department chairman Imran Kidwai said.

He added that the Constitution itself did not make provisions for
reservations on the basis of religion or even caste. The department is
set to meet very soon to discuss the Sachar committee report and even
a Congress Working Committee (CWC) meeting is on the cards.

Given that the Sachar committee has put out data showing how poorly
the Muslim community has fared post-independence, a period dominated
by Congress rule, it is also likely to herald the start of another
blame game within the party.

While Sachar committee was set up at the behest of prime minister
Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi, Congress leaders
are wondering whose idea was it to include such a measure in the
party’s ’04 election manifesto. And there is talk of Arjun Singh yet
again in the air.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-11 00:44:07 UTC
Permalink
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Columnists/T-K-Arun/The-Muslim-question/articleshow/733273.cms

The Muslim question?

7 Dec 2006, 0042 hrs IST, T K Arun, TNN

Philosophers have only interpreted the world, the point, however, is
to change it, said Marx. Justice Sachar has played philosopher with
regard to India’s Muslims. His report validates the general impression
that Muslims are, for the most part, a backward, subaltern group. So
what is to be done?

A quota for the Muslims, say some. Are quotas the answer? We already
have the experience of five and a half decades of quotas for the
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. While politicians will not tire
of making a big noise for quotas in Parliament, on the ground, do
people at large have any faith that quotas will deliver them out of
backwardness? The recent outbursts of Dalit anger in response to the
killing of Dalits in Khairlanji and desecration of an Ambedkar statue,
are answer enough.

Sure, no community would object to having a quota for itself.
Especially when it sees quotas being distributed to various others.
But the degree of gratitude that a group would feel towards the quota
provider would depend on the presumed utility of quotas. On this
count, the benefit of bestowing a quota on any particular group would
be outweighed, by far, by the animosity from others whose
opportunities might be restricted by new quotas.

If quotas offer no solution, what would? Any realistic answer would
have to build on some idea as to what accounts for the general
backwardness of Muslims.

Is it bias against the community, by the state and society? It is very
easy to conclude as much, but that would be too facile. It is not just
Muslims who have failed to harvest the fruits of post-Independence
development in any significant measure. One fourth of India’s 593
districts are today officially classified as Naxalite affected. A
level of mass discontent that can sustain armed rebellion across one-
fourth the country’s administrative divisions surely spells state
failure towards more than just Muslims. The reality is that the state
has a bias towards the elite and failed the rest.

Granted, there are factors specific to the failure of each deprived
community to secure its own place in the sun. To focus on these
specificities, to the exclusion of the overwhelming commonalities in
their collective failure, would be a gross mistake. Such a strategy
would pit community against community, abort collective emancipation
and limit the achievements of the elites as well (through crime and
systemic dysfunctionality, for example).

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-11 00:47:47 UTC
Permalink
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Banks-double-lending-to-minorities-in-Bengal/articleshow/4679054.cms

Banks double lending to minorities in Bengal

20 Jun 2009, 0742 hrs IST, Atmadip Ray, ET Bureau

KOLKATA: Even as the Sachar Committee report highlighted the poor
state of the minority community in West Bengal, the banking sector has
something to show off in terms of lending to minorities in the state.
Banks have more than doubled their lending to minorities, mostly
Muslims, during 2008-09. Lending to minorities comes under banks’
priority sector compulsions.

A senior banker pointed out that a focus on formation of self-help
groups (SHGs), involving women in the minority communities, has helped
in this achievement. The state has over 5.76 lakh SHGs which has
access to bank credit. However, no stats are readily available on how
many of these have involved minority women.

As on March 31, 2009, banks’ collective credit outstandings to
minorities stood at Rs 7,486 crore, compared with Rs 3,452 crore a
year ago. This is 14.5% of their total priority sector advances, which
was at Rs 51,560 crore (Rs 43,746 crore). The state has eight
districts with concentrated minority population. These are Howrah,
Kolkata, Burdwan, Nadia, South 24 Parganas, North 24 Parganas, Malda,
Murshidabad, Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur, Coochbehar and
Birbhum.

Banks’ credit disbursement to SC and ST has also grown sizably to Rs
1,050 crore (Rs 738 crore). This is merely 6.67% of the total priority
sector advances.

Banks have discussed this progress threadbare at a state-level
bankers’ committee (SLBC) meeting on Friday. They have noted that
despite the slow pace of economic growth in 2008-09, banks in the
state managed to meet 99% of their annual lending target.

Banks, including the major ones like State Bank of India, Uco Bank,
Allahabad Bank and United Bank of India, have collectively disbursed
Rs 15,672 crore, which is close to 99% of the annual target of Rs
15,8060 crore fixed for 2008-09. Banks cumulative disbursement was 16%
more than what they disbursed in the preceding fiscal.

Banks credit deposit (CD) ratio, however, fell to 64% after the fiscal
to March 31, 2009, compared to 65% a year ago. This is because the
deposit growth (26%) outpaced credit growth (24%) in the state by two
percentage points. Incidentally, the CD ratio was 66% a couple of
years back.

Sector-wise, banks have collectively disbursed Rs 6,207 crore to
agriculture and allied services, and Rs 2,978 crore to the small and
medium scale industries, both reflecting 93% of the respective annual
targets. Banks have also lent Rs 3,218 crore, more than the targeted
Rs 2,472 crore in the non-priority sectors.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-13 19:35:23 UTC
Permalink
http://communalism.blogspot.com/2009/09/debate-on-preventing-bigamy-via.html

September 13, 2009
The debate on preventing bigamy via conversion to Islam must focus on
gender justice.

The Economic and Political Weekly
August 29, 2009

Editorial

Bigamy and religion

The debate on preventing bigamy via conversion to Islam must focus on
gender justice.

Suggestions of changes in personal laws usually result in the
religious element getting undue publicity and attention while the core
issue of gender justice gets sidelined. The reaction to the 227th
report of the Law Commission of India,
“Preventing Bigamy via Conversion to Islam – A Proposal for Giving
Statutory Effect to Supreme Court Rulings”, which was presented to the
Ministry of Law and Justice this month, has been no different.

Taking suo motu cognisance of the “unhealthy and immoral practice” by
men whose “personal law does not allow bigamy of converting to Islam
in order to contract a second marriage” and two recent, highly-
publicised cases of bigamy, the commission suggested that the Supreme
Court’s rulings in the Sarla Mudgal vs
Union of India (1995) and the Lily Thomas vs Union of India (2000)
cases be incorporated into the Hindu Marriage Act (HMA) of 1955.

Women’s organisations taking up the cases of the first wives find that
evidence of the second marriage is difficult (most of them are
performed secretly or by token rituals like exchange of garlands in a
temple) to come upon for criminal prosecution, for the courts demand
hard proof. Though Section 494 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) punishes
bigamous husbands, if convicted, to a fine or seven years of
imprisonment, or both, being a non-cognisable offence (except in
Andhra Pradesh), it is ineffective. The Law Commission too endorses
this when it says that the law related to monogamy under the HMA is
full of serious shortcomings and loopholes, and combined with its
provisions related to marriage rites, provides in-built devices (the
foremost being conversion to Islam) for an easy avoidance of all the
consequences of its violation, while the non-cognisable IPC provisions
force “aggrieved first wives of all communities to silently suffer the
miseries”.

It has thus recommended that a new section be inserted in the HMA to
the effect that a married person governed by it cannot marry again
even after changing religion unless the first marriage is dissolved or
declared null and void in accordance with law, and if such a marriage
is contracted, it will be of no legal effect, and attract application
of Sections 494 and 495 of the IPC. The commission has recommended
that similar provisions be inserted in the Christian Marriage Act
1872, the Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act 1936 and the Dissolution of
Muslim Marriages Act (DMMA) of 1939. In respect of the latter, it has
been suggested that the proviso to Section 4 of the DMMA, saying that
this would not apply to a married woman who was originally a non-
Muslim if she reverts to her original faith, be deleted. Further,
certain provisions should be added to the Special Marriage Act 1954
and offences relating to bigamy under the IPC sections should be made
cognisable by necessary amendment of the Criminal Procedure Code
(CrPC).

Sadly, instead of these recommendations being debated widely, it is
the commission’s statements on the Islamic view of bigamy that have
become the focus of attention. (The plight of the first wives of all
communities, many of whom are “deserted” and have to fend for
themselves and the children with or without paltry maintenance, quite
apart from the social humiliation they and the children are subjected
to, has been ignored.) These statements have managed to antagonise
three sections of Muslim society. The orthodox elements are angered by
what they see as “interference” in their personal law. Muslim women
feel that the commission is only looking at the plight of the Hindu
first wives and not Muslim women similarly situated. And, Muslim
intellectuals feel that the report should make strong recommendations
against bigamy for all communities without getting unduly side-tracked
by religious sensitivities.

The statement, “Although we fully agree with the fact that traditional
understanding of the Muslim law on bigamy is gravely faulty and
conflicts with the true Islamic law in letter and spirit, to keep our
recommendations away from any unhealthy controversy we are not
recommending any change in this regard in Muslim law” has angered
influential Muslim bodies, notably the Darul Uloom of Deoband and the
All India Muslim Personal Law Board.

They have pointed out that Islam allows up to four marriages, albeit
under stringent conditions, and it is wrong to say that it is against
the letter and spirit of Islam. The Muslim Women’s Personal Law Board
has asked for “control over the system” since the strict rules on
bigamy are not being followed.

The commission’s full-time member Tahir Mahmood was forced to clarify
that the Muslim law on bigamy or the state of bigamy among Indian
Muslims was not at all the issue before the Commission and that the
true nature of Muslim law on bigamy, which insists on equal treatment
of co-wives and does not allow forsaking the first one without
divorce, was explained only in the context of incorporating the apex
court’s rulings in the HMA.

Notwithstanding the controversy, the commission’s suggestions pertain
to an area that has long been ignored and where reform is needed. It
is time to focus on gender equality and justice and demand
implementation of the Law Commission’s recommendations.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-17 18:46:46 UTC
Permalink
http://www.livemint.com/2009/03/26211837/The-decline-of-Urdu-and-the-ri.html

Posted: Thu, Mar 26 2009. 10:51 PM IST
Columns

The decline of Urdu and the rise of Khans

The Islamicate types borrowed from a medieval and early modern past --
court culture, cultivation, Muslims as the bearers of aristocratic
tradition -- no longer fit the sociology of the present

High Windows | Mukul Kesavan

The clutch of Khans that makes up the A-list of Hindi film heroes is
sometimes cited as proof that Muslims flourish in mainstream cinema
today, but Mumbai’s film industry has always been home to Muslim
talent: actors, directors, scriptwriters, dialogue writers, lyricists,
you name it. And the Muslim “contribution” to Hindi cinema isn’t
limited to its personnel; the very nature of Hindi cinema, its
metaphors, its rhetoric have been constituted by cultural forms
associated with Muslims.

The Hindi film is actually the Urdu film. Do a census of Hindi film
titles from Mughal-e-Azam to Qayamat Se Qayamat Tak and you’ll find
that the vast majority of them draw on the Persian lexicon that
distinguishes Urdu from its Sanskritized cousin, Hindi. The lyrics and
dialogue of “Hindi” movies are even more dependent on Urdu’s
Persianate idiom. This is partly because that idiom is better equipped
to supply sonorous words for inflated emotions than Hindi is. It’s
possible to render the keywords of Hindi film dialogue such as dil,
khoon aur kismat as hriday, rakt evam bhagya, but this is unlikely to
happen. The courtroom scene, a hardy staple of the traditional Hindi
film, is unimaginable in Hindi; how would the lawyer summon the
eyewitness, the chashmadeed gawah, and how would the judge deliver
himself of that noble exoneration, ba-izzat bari?

A romanticized ideal of nawabi Avadh, seen as a symbol of both
cultivation and decline, provided Hindi cinema with many of its
metaphors and stock characters. Thus, the debauched rentier in Sahib,
Biwi aur Ghulam or Satyajit Ray’s Jalsaghar might figure in stories
located in Bengal, but the archetype of aristocratic decadence on
which he is based is derived from the nawabi ayyashi made famous by
the Islamicate elite of Avadh.

Similarly, the vamp in Hindi films has bloodlines that reach in two
different directions: She’s both the Hollywood moll and the courtesan-
tawaif of north India’s Muslim court culture. Even the vamp’s dance
routines are a cross between the cabaret and the mujra. In short, the
Hindi film industry wasn’t just rich with Muslim talent, it was deeply
coloured by what (for want of a better term) we shall call a Muslim
culture.

Also Read Mukul’s earlier Lounge columns

This relationship between Islamicate culture (if Islamicate is
understood to refer to the cultural practices associated with Muslims,
as opposed to ideas derived from Islam) and Hindi cinema has changed
over the last 30-odd years. Paradoxically, at the moment when the
Khans dominate the Hindi film industry, the Hindi film has begun to
draw less frequently upon the Islamicate resources that used to be its
stock in trade.

This change in Hindi cinema was prefigured by changes in the real
world. It became impossible to sustain aristocratic Muslim archetypes
in a country where the Muslims you were likely to meet were
increasingly plebeian. The Islamicate types borrowed from a medieval
and early modern past—court culture, cultivation, Muslims as the
bearers of aristocratic tradition—no longer fit the sociology of the
present.

The Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee report, tabled in Parliament in
2006, demonstrated that the Muslim community was, by many crucial
measures, more backward than Dalits. But this only formally confirmed
the intuition that Indian film-makers already had about the Muslim
community.

In the early 1980s, Manmohan Desai would say in interviews that one of
the reasons he made the sort of films he did, with Amitabh Bachchan
playing the angry young man and with a sympathetic Muslim character
somewhere in the cast, was because a significant part of his “repeat
audience”, the people who made the film a hit by seeing it over and
over again, were young, unemployed Muslim men.

Not only do Muslim characters in Hindi films increasingly represent
Muslims as poor, they also represent this Muslim underclass as part of
a criminal milieu. In Vishal Bharadwaj’s Maqbool, the Macbeth story is
set in Mumbai’s Muslim gangland. Pankaj Kapoor and Irrfan Khan play
the don and his consigliere and with Tabu as Lady Macbeth, they bring
to life a specifically Muslim underworld. Irrfan Khan makes this
wicked lumpen Muslim real.

A year later, in 2004, Irrfan Khan reprised his role as Muslim
ganglord when he played Yusuf Pathan in Aan: Men At Work. M.J. Akbar,
author and journalist, once observed half-jokingly that Haji Mastan,
the smuggler, was an icon for Indian Muslims because he represented an
alternative form of social mobility. He showed that there was a path
out of poverty, even if it was a left-handed one. In a confrontation
with Akshay Kumar (who plays the honest policeman) in Aan, Irrfan Khan
makes this wicked prole Muslim real.

In contemporary Hindi cinema, a Muslim character can’t be a middle-
class Everyman. After the resurgence of majoritarian politics at the
turn of the century and the “war on terror” post-9/11, Muslim
characters in Hindi films have come to occupy a charged space: They’re
either victims or perpetrators (I can think of one film with a Muslim
protagonist who is neither victim nor perpetrator: Iqbal, a film about
a cricket-mad boy). So Aamir Khan in Fanaa is a terrorist while Shah
Rukh Khan in Chak De! is a Muslim victim, a sportsman with a career
ruined by the unfounded suspicion that he had thrown a hockey match
against Pakistan.

In Slumdog Millionaire, Danny Boyle follows this trend by turning the
central character into a Muslim, Jamal Malik. In the book the
protagonist is a boy of uncertain religious provenance: Ram Mohammad
Thomas. Boyle uses both parts of the contemporary Muslim stereotype:
In Slumdog, Muslims are victims and perpetrators. The character of Dev
Patel is a victim while Javed, the Muslim gang lord who employs his
criminal brother, Salim, is a perpetrator.

It is a fine Indian irony that at the very moment that Hindi cinema
has begun to squeeze Muslim characters into these confining
pigeonholes, the Muslim men who define stardom in our cinema, Aamir,
Shah Rukh, Salman, Saif and Farhan, play with increasing flair and
success the Hindu Everyman, variously called Vicky, Raj, Ajay, Vijay
and Karan.

Mukul Kesavan teaches social history at Jamia Millia Islamia, New
Delhi, and is the author, most recently, of The Ugliness of the Indian
Male and Other Propositions.

Write to Mukul at ***@livemint.com

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-17 18:55:21 UTC
Permalink
http://www.livemint.com/articles/2007/08/11000523/60-Years-The-Report-Card.html

Posted: Sat, Aug 11 2007. 1:58 AM IST
Columns

60 Years: The Report Card

Yes, there is poverty and there is Kashmir, our biggest failures. But
there is reason for modest cheer. For one, thank god we no longer have
a national culture

Mukul Kesavan

A report card on a billion people over 60 years is a daft thing to
attempt but if you think of it as a kind of stocktaking, it begins to
seem more sensible. In India’s case, the need to take stock is
connected to our anxieties about the country’s future. Those of us who
aren’t stockbrokers or economists and can’t write sagely about bears
and bulls and bubbles should still make an effort to assess the
republic’s past. Can Do Better isn’t enough: we know India can. The
question is, has it done well enough through these 60 years for us to
hope that it Will Do Better?

One of the advantages of being a citizen of a “developing” country is
that optimism, unfashionable in the uber-developed West (because
progress from a high baseline is hard to discern), is a feasible state
of mind here. There are two things that the Indian state has handled
exceptionally badly, which I shall come to, but those apart, the short
history of the republic has gone better than anyone could have
imagined in 1947.

Among the taken-for-granted achievements of the republican state is
that it presides over a country that is unified and stable, and whose
stability is founded on a time-tested addiction to voting. Indian
democracy has so often been used as an alibi for the country’s
failures by India’s boosters that people tend to roll their eyes when
this claim to political virtue is entered, but you only have to look
at Indonesia (the secession of East Timor), Pakistan (the corruption
of military rule) and Sri Lanka (majoritarianism and civil war) to
know that a stable democracy is a good reason to touch wood and
celebrate.

When the members of India’s Constituent Assembly insisted on universal
adult franchise for the world’s poorest electorate, they bet the house
on democracy against very long odds…and won. We, their descendants,
should celebrate their high-risk gamble without apology or self-
consciousness. Add to this the endorsement of affirmative action and
the relatively peaceful integration of princely India’s kingdoms, and
you have political foresight and achievement on an epochal scale.

But the political achievement of the republic doesn’t stop here. The
Nehruvian state’s claim to democratic originality is based upon the
pluralism that it made integral to the country’s political culture.
After Partition, Indian secularism started life as a kind of chivalry,
with the country’s Muslim minority cast as the damsel in distress.
This republican determination to reassure Indian Muslims that they
were full citizens of the new nation, despite the land of the pure
that their co-religionists had established next door, was challenged
by majoritarian parties and majoritarian violence, but it survived.

It survived not as chivalry but as pragmatism, as the only way of
doing political business and surviving as a nation in a dizzyingly
varied subcontinent. If we think of politics as retail trade, the
secularism made by the Nehruvian Congress was stocked by Harrods while
the canny coalition-building that won UP for Mayawati was mass-market
pluralism sold by Wal-Mart. The two are related: The political ground
for Mayawati’s alliances was prepared by the Nehruvian Congress’s
rhetorical but deeply felt commitment to a pluralist politics. What
this illustrates is the important fact that there is no ideological
blueprint for being secular in India; to be secular in India basically
means extemporizing ways of keeping Indian politics pluralist.

It is customary to celebrate Indian democracy while simultaneously
lamenting the decline in its political culture and institutions. It’s
important to argue back against this nostalgic position. Most of the
institutions that keep India’s democracy ticking have NOT decayed.
They’ve become better. The Election Commission is now an institution
that enjoys enormous credibility. It is feared by political hucksters
and evildoers in the way in which the IRS is feared by tax-dodgers in
America. It conducts elections with creativity and independence and is
widely regarded in the world of electoral democracies as an exemplary
organization that conducts first-rate elections.

That the Election Commission should enjoy this reputation after a
period in the republic’s life where elections were discredited by
malpractice is proof of the fact that things in India can get worse
and then get radically better.

Culturally, there isn’t (thank god) a “national culture” in place, but
there’s a confidence amongst the citizens of the republic that being
“Indian” is easy. The film industries that dot every part of the
country are vulgarly healthy, our upmarket discos play bhangra, our
haute couture is hideous but popular, our art has invented a market
for itself, our television industry proliferates and Indian audiences
remain relatively indifferent to foreign programming.

Our newspapers continue to expand and prosper and compete: Unlike
America, where the newspaper readership of whole cities is virtually
owned by single papers—The Washington Post, The New York Times, The
Los Angeles Times, etc. Our writers are better paid now, their books
better produced and their publishing houses more entrepreneurial.
Which Indian writer would be nostalgic for the bad old days when being
published meant Hind Pocket Books or Jaico?

Intellectually and academically, India has a sense of self that
Pakistan or Malaysia or Indonesia don’t. Academic publishing for an
Indian market has struck roots and while its quality is variable, it
has the great merit of creating a body of work that examines aspects
of Indian society and history that might be of little interest to
foreign readers but are vitally important for us.

This is more important than it seems. Places, whether cities or
countries, aren’t rich or interesting in themselves: They are made
rich and interesting when they are chronicled, described, analysed and
put into stories. It’s the old thing about a tree falling in a forest
and no one noticing. When Pradeep Krishen writes a book on the trees
of New Delhi, the trees of New Delhi become available to the
intelligent lay reader. When Time Out sets up shop in Mumbai and New
Delhi and begins to systematically list and survey and sample its
cultural life, that life becomes real to the reading public who
otherwise wouldn’t have had the information to be a part of it.

So our successes give us reason for optimism. Our failures point the
way to what needs to be done. For the purposes of precis, the
republic’s largest failures can be boiled down to a) poverty and b)
Kashmir. Under the head of poverty, we can group the state’s near-
criminal default in the areas of primary education and public health.

Arguably, one of the preconditions for alleviating poverty, economic
growth, has been met by the economic expansion of the past 15 years,
but this market-driven boom has brought no corresponding commitment
from the state to use the tax revenues from a growing economy to fund
a welfare net for the country’s poorest. The statist dogmatism that,
for decades, crippled the country’s economy seems to have been
replaced by another derivative orthodoxy: A near-religious belief in
the wisdom of unregulated market forces.

Kashmir isn’t just an unreconciled borderland: It challenges the
credibility of India’s pluralism, which is its reason for being. We
can argue about the rights and wrongs of Kashmir, point to Pakistani
provocation and jehadist violence, but the violence the state has used
to crush insurgent Kashmiri Muslims and the death toll that has
mounted over the years does the republic no credit.

Still, we’ve got to the new century, bruised at the borders, but still
a secular democracy, getting better rather than getting worse. That
we’ve travelled this road with a billion people on board has to be
cause for modest celebration.

Mukul Kesavan is an author and professor at the Jamia Millia Islamia,
New Delhi. His latest book is Men in White: A Book on Cricket

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-17 18:59:59 UTC
Permalink
http://www.livemint.com/articles/2009/08/06220218/When-the-headscarf-becomes-a-d.html

Posted: Thu, Aug 6 2009. 10:02 PM IST
Columns

When the headscarf becomes a death sentence

The building consensus against Muslims in Europe is legitimized by the
notion that European modernity has to be defended against a medieval
religion and its violent adherents

High Windows | Mukul Kesavan

Last Monday my morning newspaper carried pictures of an Egyptian
girl, Nour el-Sherbini, who had just won the World Junior Squash
Championship in Chennai. Her name reminded me of another young
Egyptian sportswoman, Marwa el-Sherbini, once Egypt’s handball
champion, who was killed in a German courtroom on 1 July.

Veiled: Marwa, a former handball champion, with her husband, a
lecturer. Francois Guillot / AFP

Professionally, Marwa was a pharmacist. Her husband was a lecturer who
moved from Egypt to Germany to do his doctorate in genetics at the Max
Planck Institute in Dresden. Marwa had a son, Mustafa, and at the time
of her murder, she was pregnant.

The events that led to her murder began with a playground dispute. She
became involved in a dispute with Alex W., a Russian immigrant of
ethnic German descent, about whose turn it was to use the swing: his
niece’s or her son’s. The argument became ugly when he tried to pull
off her headscarf and called her a terrorist and an Islamist whore. He
was fined by a district court but his defence that people like Marwa
were less than human and therefore couldn’t really be insulted, was so
provocative that the public prosecutor pressed for more severe
punishment.

In the subsequent trial Alex W. walked across the courtroom and
stabbed Marwa 18 times as her three-year-old son watched. When her
husband ran to her defence, he suffered stab wounds and was shot in
the leg by a policeman who mistook him for the assailant. Marwa and
her unborn child died in the courtroom; her husband’s condition
remains critical.

Also Read Mukul’s previous Lounge columns

The German newspapers that did mention the murder, did so on their
back pages and confined themselves to reporting that a woman had been
killed in a courtroom over a playground dispute. There was concern
expressed about security in German courtrooms but no mention of the
racist context of the murder. It was only when her burial provoked
outraged demonstrations in Alexandria, that a handful of news providers
—the Guardian, AP, the Huffington Post—gave the story some play. Even
today, if you google Marwa el-Sherbini, you get pages and pages of
websites in the Arab and Muslim world; for all the interest shown by
the European and American media or the German government, the murder
might never have happened.

Kamran Pasha, a writer and film-maker, explained this silence in the
online site, the Huffington Post:

“The fact that Europeans have chosen to ignore the brutal murder of a
woman, whose only crime was that she covered her head with a piece of
cloth, reveals the real issues beneath the burqa debate. It is
ultimately not about women’s rights, but about power over immigrants…
Marwa represented the future of Europe’s Muslim immigrants—empowered,
educated and strong. And she was butchered like an animal for having
the audacity to dress differently. The fact that her death has not
been a source of European soul-searching suggests that some truths are
too painful to face.”

The building consensus against Muslims in Europe is legitimized by the
notion that European modernity has to be defended against a medieval
religion and its violent adherents. Since racism and religious bigotry
aren’t respectable any more, white Europe is now defended in the name
of the Enlightenment. Muslims and their faith are unwelcome intrusions
because they don’t conform to rationality, to democracy, to science
and most of all because they deny the West’s greatest modern
achievement, the emancipation of women.

Marwa el-Sherbini in her life and her death shames the modern Western
Islamophobe into a temporary silence because she doesn’t fit this
narrative. She and her husband were paid-up members of the high church
of modern science. Her hijab hadn’t inhibited her athleticism or her
ability to make her way in the world. And she was lovely to look at.
That last quality isn’t irrelevant: People being what they are,
aesthetic horror at the destruction of beauty magnifies the moral
revulsion against murder.

It’s a mistake to see her murder as an isolated crime perpetrated by a
maladjusted lunatic. It occurred days after Nicolas Sarkozy, the
President of France, called for a ban on the burqa. Sarkozy had
targeted the burqa, the full veil that obscures the face, not the
hijab that covers a Muslim woman’s hair, but Germany has shown how
easy it is to slide from banning the one to proscribing the other.
According to German law, four out of 16 of its states have the right
to ban teachers and government employees from wearing Muslim
headscarves in the workplace.

More broadly, mainstream Western journalists, authors and public
intellectuals have queued up to stigmatize the Muslim presence in
Europe. This is Mark Steyn, in America Alone: “In a democratic age,
you can’t buck demography—except through civil war. The Serbs figured
that out, as other Continentals will in the years ahead: If you cannot
outbreed the enemy, cull ’em. The problem that Europe faces is that
Bosnia’s demographic profile is now the model for the entire
continent.”

If you think this blithe prescription of genocide makes Steyn part of
the lunatic fringe, think again. Christopher Hitchens, perhaps the
best known public intellectual in America, wrote an appreciative
review of the book, congratulating Steyn on saying the unsayable. This
week has seen admiring reviews in The New York Times of two books
written by respectable American intellectuals, that make the case
against appeasing Muslims and warn that the West will be swamped by
busily breeding aliens: Christopher Caldwell’s Reflections on the
Revolution in Europe and Bruce Bawer’s Surrender: Appeasing Islam,
Sacrificing Freedom.

The moral of Marwa’s murder is that the Western hysteria around
veiling is not about the emancipation of Muslim women; it’s about
Europe’s visceral intolerance for visible difference. The veil has
become a symbol for an unassimilable minority, an alibi for the
dislike that large numbers of Europeans feel for labouring “guests” of
a different colour and faith who’ve outlived their usefulness and
their welcome.

Mukul Kesavan, a professor of social history at Jamia Millia Islamia,
New Delhi, is the author of The Ugliness of the Indian Male and Other
Such Propositions.

Write to Mukul at ***@livemint.com

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-18 14:26:40 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/289442_Hurriyat-welcomes-migrant-Kashmiri-pandits--Geelani

Hurriyat welcomes migrant Kashmiri pandits: Geelani
STAFF WRITER 18:19 HRS IST

Srinagar, Sept 18 (PTI) Hardline separatist leader Syed Ali Shah
Geelani today said his amalgam will extend warm welcome to migrant
Kashmiri pandits, if they wish to return back to their roots in the
valley.

"We will welcome your return to Kashmir and consider you as part and
parcel of our society," chairman of the hardline faction of Hurriyat
Conference Syed Ali Shah Geelani, who is under house arrest since
September 9 at his Hyderpora residence here, told a delegation of
Kashmiri pandits.

The delegation comprising Som Nath Kandi, Parai Lal, Ratan Lal and
Nanaji Wattal, were part of a group of migrant pandits, which had come
to their native place in Kupwara called on the ailing leader after
seeking permission from the police, Hurriyat spokesman Ayaz Akbar said
after the meeting.

Quoting Geelani, Akbar said there should be no pre-conditions for the
return of pandits to their homes.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-18 23:45:03 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ahmedabadmirror.com/index.aspx?page=article&sectid=48&contentid=200909112009091119005260987ea4e4f&sectxslt=&pageno=1

Terror will not help Muslims, ‘Dr Bomb’ says

Dr Jalees Ansari, now in Ajmer Jail for masterminding several blasts,
writes in Urdu daily that death and destruction serve no purpose

By Anand Holla
Posted On Friday, September 11, 2009 at 07:00:52 PM

File photo of Ansari being escorted out of Sessions Court in 1994

Endless violence unleashed by terrorists seems to have touched the
heart of ‘Dr Bomb’ Jalees Ansari, himself the mastermind of around 60
blasts across the country in the early nineties. Ansari, 52, now
serving a rigorous life term in Ajmer Jail, has written a two-part
article in the Urdu Times about the futility of terrorism and how it
contradicts the very essence of Islam.

After over 15 years in jail, Ansari now feels that Muslims can’t rule
the world using terror as a weapon. “If we Muslims say that we want
the good of humanity, while on the other hand blasts occur on trains,
public places and temples, and innocents are killed, then who will
even listen to the correct things we say?” he writes in the mainstream
Urdu newspaper. “Can anybody justify the 26/11 terror attacks? Has any
Muslim in the world benefited out of 26/11? No, because this militancy
will only harm Muslims. We should strictly follow the Quran and the
prophet’s teachings, and all misunderstanding about Islam will
disappear.”

Ansari, an MBBS from Mumbai University, was deemed the ‘father of
terror’ in Mumbai for training teams that carried out blasts in
several cities. In his first outspoken response since his arrest in
January, 1994, he dwells on the consequences of Islamic terrorism in
articles headlined ‘Ek dehshatgard doctor ki aap beeti’. He talks
about the three main triggers of ‘Muslim terrorism’-Jammu & Kashmir
dispute, communal riots and Babri Masjid.

Ansari was arrested in January 1994, along with his three brothers,
who were discharged after nine months. Ansari says that even after
that, blasts kept happening across India. This got him thinking-on one
hand, Hindus were being killed in blasts at Ayodhya, Akshardham
temple, Raghunath temple, Sankatmochan temple, etc, while on the
other, Muslims were dying in blasts at Delhi’s Jama Masjid,
Hyderabad’s Mecca Masjid, Malegaon, Jalna, Parbhani, Jalgaon, and
Ajmer Dargah. The battery of blasts in the recent past-from the
Parliament attack to 7/11 train blasts to 26/11 attacks-brought about
a transformation in him. “These continuous, destructive, terrorist
acts forced me to seriously think, what will all these terror acts
take us? How will such militancy help Muslims to attain their goals
which the almighty has sent them to do?” he questions.

Recounting his first brush with the ‘anti-Muslim feeling’ while he was
a student at Mumbai University between 1976-82, he writes, “Some
Marathi teachers and students would talk strange things about Islam. I
felt that a deep conspiracy was being hatched to make Muslims second
class citizens, so that they would remain backward socially,
financially and politically.”

He recalls participating in relief work for Bhiwandi riot victims in
the 1980s, and only shedding tears for their trauma. “At that time, I
selected some youngsters and trained them in martial arts and stick-
wielding. Our aim was to defend ourselves during riots. We didn’t want
to form any armed organised group, as we were afraid that once armed,
we would ourselves become evil and inflict damage on others.”

Calling himself ‘aaraamdil’ (soft-hearted), Ansari blames both the
Congress and the BJP for creating the Babri Masjid issue and
exploiting it to garner Hindu votes. He says fanaticism crept into his
soul with the Babri Masjid demolition on December 6, 1992. “That
scene of demolition, no proud Muslim can forget till he breathes his
last,” says Ansari, calling it the birth of Muslim militancy.

He points out that though innocent Hindus also suffered in the 1992-93
Mumbai riots, Muslims suffered maximum losses with even the police
stacked up against them. “I have personal experience of the police’s
one-sided role. During these riots, lakhs of Muslims were forced to
live in relief camps, while Hindus didn’t face such problems. I
couldn’t tolerate such insult and sadness. I decided to embrace
militancy. I knew that the basic character of militancy would not
bring justice, but I thought that for every role, some emotions are
also involved. Aur is tarah ek doctor terrorist ban gaya,” Ansari
rues.

Dr Jalees Ansari

According to Ansari, today’s Muslims shouldn’t be depressed with the
‘anti-Muslim’ atmosphere. “Aaj ke daur ki Muslim dehshatgardi daawat
ke kaam main badi rukaavat hai, jisey door karna bahut zaroori hai
(Today’s Islamic terrorism prevents others from listening to the
correct things we say, which must be stopped),” Ansari says. He quotes
the holy Quran to state that god sent Muslims to do good things on
earth, look after others, restrain them from doing wrong, and believe
in the almighty.

“Maine dehshatgardi se tauba kar lee hai (I have quit terrorism),”
proclaims Ansari, “If thousands of terrorists quit terrorism like me,
will it come to an end? I don’t think so. Terrorism is a symptom, not
the real disease. In the name of Jihad, terrorism is growing.”

Donning the cloak of a Muslim scholar, Ansari says, “Every Muslim must
understand that the Godhra train burning episode was not right. We
must follow our educated, sincere and honest leaders and scholars, and
listen to them. We must be wary of those who provoke our emotions.
Education should be our top priority, after which we must become
strong financially and politically.”

Interestingly, Ansari has avoided any reference to his role in the
blasts, perhaps because his appeal against conviction is pending
before the SC.

About Jalees Ansari

Following the Babri Masjid demolition, Dr Jalees Ansari had
masterminded and executed at least 60 blasts across India, mostly low-
intensity ones.

Although he has been in jail since Jan 13, 1994, cops believe his
aides have executed several blasts across India over the years.

In February 2004, Ansari was sentenced by Ajmer TADA court to life
imprisonment for executing a series of train blasts across India.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-19 00:01:26 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ahmedabadmirror.com/index.aspx?page=article&sectid=59&contentid=2009073020090730031558515dff51f48&sectxslt=&pageno=1

Revisiting secularism basics

A panel discussion on secularism suggests ‘Sarvadharma Samabhav’,
where Hindus forget memories of historical wrongs and Muslims reform
and modernise their society, is best suited to India

By Pravin Sheth
Posted On Thursday, July 30, 2009 at 03:15:58 AM

Issues like secularism, integration and security have seized our
public discourse and proved divisive for the Indian nation. A workshop
organised by Sadbhavna Forum addressed by Professor Bhikhu Parekh with
Dr Gunvant Shah and Prakash Shah as the discussing panel proved
rewarding in this matter. Some salient points discussed could be
encapsulated here.

Parekh’s observations almost changed the prevailing discourse about
making of a harmonious society. After positing the choice as related
to the concepts of justice and identity, and emergence of the secular
state, he showed how secularism in 2009 has to be different from
secularism as understood and followed in 1947. Quoting Charles Taylor,
he emphasised the imperatives of ‘Rethinking Secularism’. Giving
examples of Germany of 1939, France and Rwanda, Bhikhubhai showed how,
if the host society is not enough accommodative, the ethnic migrants
such as the Jews, in spite of their important contribution to Germany
could not be integrated, and rather suffer genocidal experi-ence. At
the same time, immigrants in Britain and the US could get integrated
by their propensity to respect the host country’s political and law-
making institutions and Constitution.

He said that the Commission of Racial Equality, of which he is the
chairperson, exhorted the state to provide for an impartial army,
police and civil service that will make all minorities feel like “this
is my state”. Another prerequisite for making of a harmonious society
is to avoid residential and public separation so that religious/ethnic
communities share a common experience and cultural empa-thy. Again, we
must have a strong civil society and a large middle space where,
Hindus and Muslim communities are supportive of each other.

The most intractable problem, he stated, was that of forgetting
“historical memories” of perceived wrongs that Hindu community
nurtures about another community, eg, Muslims have destroyed our
temples time and again. “How to take the sting out of such poisonous
memories?” He cited the exemplary case of the Commission of Truth and
Rec-onciliation carried out under Nelson Mandela who, reminding one of
Gandhi, forgot his 27-year jail experience in the white regime, and
showed ‘a wise passage of amnesia’.

Confession by culprits of religious/ethnic carnage will disarm the
victims who nurse bad feeling against the aggressors. Perpetrators of
the ghastly Godhra train incident and the brutal communal carnage
thereafter (Falia, Godhra and Modi government) can draw a leaf out of
such a model of encouraging forgiveness and reconciliation.
Mercifully, those seeking to perpetuate the memory of Ram Janma Bhoomi
were marginalised in 2009 parliamentary poll. Ethno-religious problem
is not an intractable problem as the resolution of the Sikh problem
(1990s) has demonstrated. But it’s a rather complex problem in case of
the Muslim minority. This was well brought out in the workshop with a
note of hope. Bhikhubhai wondered if exclusive professional colleges
for Muslims for the community’s development could contribute to a
exclusive worldview in the young generation. Absence of moderate
leadership also should worry this minority.

Gunvantbhai said, “You can’t have freedom from religion,” as Nehru’s
western model implied. “We must have freedom of religion.” He asserted
that Gandhi’s concept of ‘Sarvadharma Samabhav’ is suited to Indian
secularism.

Referring to Gujarat carnage 2002, Prakashbhai rightly exhorted
‘course correction’ for those responsible for it.

A sort of consensus developed: Secularism must be liberated from
politics; politics of Hindutva and of vote-bank, both be scrupulously
shunned; process of reform is an imperative for the Islamic society
and the Gandhian model of sarvadharna sam/sad-bhava should guide
India’s secularism.

Are groups positioned at different points of ideo-political spectrum
open and resilient enough to revisit their frozen and rigid view-
points?

One of the city’s most eminent political analysts, Pravin Sheth
dissects the twists and turns of policy in Gujarat

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-19 00:25:37 UTC
Permalink
http://news.in.msn.com/national/article.aspx?cp-documentid=3227834&page=0

18/09/2009Narendra Modi’s new anti-terror mantra: 111 QRTs

In another move to toughen the drive against terrorists, Gujarat plans
to set up 111 anti-terror Quick Response Teams (QRTs). The teams would
be armed to their teeth with state of the art hi-tech weapons, night
vision equipment and even armoured vehicles. Working round the clock
in three shifts 365 days, the QRTs will be deployed in every nook and
corner of the State.

Gujarat has now sent the proposal to the Centre for approval. If
approved, Gujarat will be the first state to have such high level of
security, sources said.

The salient features of the QRTs:

Will comprise highly trained men from the Anti-Terrorist Assault
Squads (ATAS).

Highly mobile, teams will always remain very close to sensitive areas
and targets.

The teams will be shuffled often and their positions will keep
changing so that the surprise element is maintained.

Each fighter operator will have a semi-automatic pistol as a personal
side arm, three submachine guns and two assault rifles.

Team will have tactical features like red dot self-powered optical
sighting systems, three-point tactical slings, full coverage body
armour tactical vests, helmets of very high protection level.

Gas masks, fire retardant gear, gloves, eyewear and tactical boots.

111 QRTs: 78 in the districts; 12 in Ahmedabad; 6 in Vadodara; 6 in
Surat; 3 in Rajkot; 3 in Western Railway (Vadodara); 3 in State
Control Room (Gandhinagar).

The Special Operations Group (SOG) of the state Anti Terrorist Squad
(ATS) will brief monitoring and coordinating QRTs.

Each QRT will have six commandos and will be headed by a Sub-Inspector
with a Head Constable as second-in-command.

Three constables will be "fighter operators" while the sixth member --
a constable driver -- will also be "combatised".

The state police also plan to provide armoured vehicles with NIJ Level
III protection to all QRTs.

"Special QRTs with modern weaponry and well-trained commandos to
combat terrorism may be in place by the end of this financial year,"
Additional Director General of Police (Law and Order) Sudhir Sinha was
quoted in the Indian Express.

Source: India Syndicate

Average rating: from 109 users

-10 of 52

PUSHKARAJ #1

18 September 2009 00:57:17

will the QRTs be deployed during riots... i wonder....

KGGupta#2

18 September 2009 01:06:38

India should learn something from Gujarat. If one can't do it then
don't stop them to do it by putting false excuses.

Alevoor#3

18 September 2009 01:07:27

Sounds luke Modi has scripted a hit Hollywood movie. Hope it comes
true.

http://www.healthgenie.org/

jehangir cama#4

18 September 2009 01:09:48

Thank God there is someone who has the time to think of the common
mans security and not just empty promises like after 26/11 by the
central Govt Yes we are happy that we live in a state that thinks of
these things One only hopes that the training and quality of these
personnel will not be sacrificed at the altar of reservations and
quotas etc but will be purely based on merit and fitness and training
The guy at the top of this organisation also should be selection based
on his qualification to raise such an outfit and not merely on
seniority in the force or on political consideration and personal
pressure Maybe initially help from foreign organisations such as the
FBI or the MI5 maybe sought Whether we like it or not they have the
expertise far more than we have and it should be looked upon as a
matter of collaboration exactly as in the case of industrial or
commercial arrangement We are sitting on a powder keg and the sooner
we take precautions the happier we will all feel More power to you Mr
Modi

Kaushalpujara #5

18 September 2009 01:13:24

Ohh my god...What modi is trying to do??

The "Secularists" of this "secular country" will be worried for their
terrorist brothers & sister across the border...in Pakistan..

H K Virupakshappa#6

18 September 2009 01:31:55

Hope, other states will also get into state of alert like Gujarat
before another strike happens. No voting politics please, terrorism
has no sympathy for any religion except blind folded killing using
name of religion

Congratulations Modi, hope PC is observing and take some leaf out of
it

notocheat#7

18 September 2009 01:39:24

This is an example that should be followed at the national level.

Hard Target #8

18 September 2009 01:44:37

I hope Modi is really serious about it and not just wishful. If
implemented it would be really great to have such a force in our
country. It seems straight from a hollywood thriller.

Well, what India needs is to have great protectionist measures like
these rather than blaming Pakistan like fools and hopeless people for
every attack on India.

If successful it can be implemented all over India.

Terrorists are smart. We need to be smarter!!

NEW GUJARATI #9

18 September 2009 01:50:39

1.Human rights commission persons must along with this team and
reporter of NDTV is also travel with this team.

2.Fighter must ask them (reporter of NDTV and human right personals)
when terrorist shoot to common people, whether we shoot to terrorist
or not ?

3.Gujarat and Central government run by NDTV and human rights
commission.

Saveindians #10

18 September 2009 01:53:03

Modiji, is just trying to get another public attention. If present
present anti terror squad had handful of false killings to its credit,
the number will only increase to 111.

Still we fail to learn how developed countries have approached the
security using CCTV and technology. Make entire Gujarat under CCTV and
latest tracking systems. Make systems to weedout Chinese non-IEM
phones and show good example to rest to India.

Or else Modiji will still will have to depend/beg with his unfriendly
USA to give clues.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-19 07:34:25 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/India-to-get-special-anti-terror-force-by-March-end/H1-Article1-391462.aspx

Army's anti-terror Force by March-end: Chidambaram

March 20, 2009

First Published: 21:07 IST(20/3/2009)
Last Updated: 17:37 IST(10/4/2009)

The Army's Special Forces to fight terror will be in place here by
this month-end with a six-fold increase in its strength to nearly 600
personnel, Union Home Minister P Chidambaram said today.

"The Special Forces will be strengthened in two phases. In the first
phase, approximately 250 persons of all ranks and in the second phase
another 250 persons will reach Bengaluru," Chidambaram told reporters
here. The concept of Special Forces was mooted after the 26/11 terror
attacks in Mumbai.

Chidambaram said by the end of this month "we will have approximately
600 persons of all ranks of Special Forces Batallion at Bengaluru".

The Home Minister was on a day's visit to the Army's Special Forces
Unit, set-up in the city, having 100 personnel from all ranks, who can
be deployed at a very short notice. The Home Minister, during his
address to the conference of Chief Ministers of Internal Security in
January this year, had said that in addition to setting up NSG hubs in
four metros, trained anti-terror force units will be set up by the
defence forces.

As per the plan, Bangalore is being covered by the Army and the
Special Forces are stationed with Territorial Army Batallion in Benson
town but eventually they would be moved to a new location in Hebbai.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-21 07:55:28 UTC
Permalink
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=310&page=7

September 27, 2009

Thinking Aloud

These are days of history made to order
By Dr Jay Dubashi

To say that it was not Jinnah who was responsible for the division of
India amidst the massacres of millions of Indians, mostly Hindus, is
like saying that Hitler was not responsible for the murders of Jews.
Hitler can very well say that he did not murder a single Jew, for he
himself never went near the concentration camps where the killings
were oganised. So can Jinnah, as he lived atop Malabar Hill in Bombay
and perhaps never visited the killing fields of Calcutta and Lahore,
where millions of innocent people were slaughtered in cold blood.

History repeats itself, first as a tragedy, then as a farce. We are
now in the midst of the tragedy, but soon shall be overtaken by farce.
But the men who are going to be hit have no idea who are behind the
show and are pulling the strings.

History, as I said, repeats itself. When Shivaji Maharaj-he was not a
Chhatrapati yet; that came later-visited Agra at the invitation of
Aurangzeb, he did not receive the kind of royal treatment he expected,
particularly at his first meeting with the Moghul supremo in his
court, and he almost walked out of the court after refusing to do
kurnisat, that is kissing the ground in front of the throne, as was
the custom.

Shivaji said that unlike the other Sardars in the court, he was not in
the pay of Aurangzeb, nor had he come to ask any favours. He had come
all the way from Deccan, a thousand kilometres away, as a king in his
own right, just like Aurangzeb himself, and not like Mirza Jai Singh
of Jaipur, who was his (Aurangzeb’s) employee, and who was responsible
for bringing him (Shivaji) to Agra, and he, that is Mirza Jai Singh,
could do all the kissing he wanted.

Shivaji said so openly in the court and so loudly that Aurangzeb asked
what the ruckus was about. Shivaji was then asked to await his turn in
the durbar, but he was not happy about waiting, and asked who was the
man standing ahead of him? He was told that he was Jaswant Singh of
Jodhpur, who, like the Mirza, was also in the pay of Aurangzeb, and
had once been sent south to capture Shivaji.

"What?" said Shivaji, "you are making me stand here behind this
despicable fugitive from my country? A man who ran away during the
battle with my army, with his tail between the legs and is now waiting
to fall at the feet of the emperor?"

"I am not going to stand in line behind this man," Shivaji said and
walked out with his small son, Sambhaji, something that had never
happened in Moghul history before.

Three hundred and fifty years after Shivaji, the world may have
changed, but in the feudal thinking, things remain the same. Instead
of paying "kurnisat" to Aurangzeb of Hindustan, they write books on
Mohammed Ali Jinnah of Pakistan, the new emperor, and prostrate
themselves before him. They sing his praises and, in a show of
perversity that takes your breath away. They run down Indian leaders,
exactly as they did in the days of Aurangzeb when they fought Shivaji
and had him nearly killed in Agra to please the ‘great’ Moghul.
History is repeating itself once again, as it always does, but this
time it is doing so with unbelievable vengeance.

To say that it was not Jinnah who was responsible for the division of
India amidst the massacres of millions of Indians, mostly Hindus, is
like saying that Hitler was not responsible for the murders of Jews.
Hitler can very well say that he did not murder a single Jew, for he
himself never went near the concentration camps where the killings
were organised. So can Jinnah, as he lived atop Malabar Hill in Bombay
and perhaps never visited the killing fields of Calcutta and Lahore,
where millions of innocent people were slaughtered in cold blood. No,
Jinnah never asked for Pakistan, for according to this strange book,
Jinnah was a nationalist and also a gentleman to his Saville Row tips.
What perhaps endears him to retired army officers, who later take to
politics and write books is that he had biscuits for tea in the
afternoon and smoked chiroots after dinner, just like army officers
from Darjeeling!

He was also, says the book, a great man, who achieved what he set out
to achieve, meaning Pakistan, over the corpses of ten million Indians.
So Hitler was a great man too, and so was Jinnah’s ancestor, Chengiz
Khan. They all achieved what they sought to achieve, which, to some
people, is a mark of greatness. Hitler, Stalin, Mao, not to mention
Taimurlang and Chengiz Khan, were all great people but not Gandhi or
Nehru or Patel, because these men achieved what they did without
killing a soul.

One of these days, somebody will get a bright idea and will write a
book accusing Nehru and Patel of having a hand in the killings of
thousands of Hindus in Lahore and Calcutta, to ‘prove’ that it was not
Jinnah who organised the riots and the killings but these two
gentlemen from the Congress, who were so thirsty for power that they
conspired with the Muslim League to trigger the riots and let loose a
flood of killings.

This is exactly what Hitler and Goebbels had done before marching into
countries like Czechoslovakia and Poland and taking them over, that
is, accusing the governments of these countries of conspiring to kill
Germans in their countries, though not a single German had been
killed. However, they showed pictures of bogus killings to umbrella-
toting Neville Chamberlain of England, who was so shocked that he
signed on the dotted line. Nehru and Patel-the book would argue-so
eager for power, like Hitler, had a hand in the killings and scared
the British into handing over power to them. Jinnah was the innocent
party and had no hand in the bloodbath, for was he a gentleman-and a
great nationalist-and wouldn’t hurt a fly.

These are days of history made to order. You can write anything and
get away with it. How many books have there been on John F Kennedy and
who killed him, though the official commission said there was no
conspiracy? But the men and women who wrote books on him have minted
millions, laughing all the way to the bank.

If a dog bites man, that is no news. If a man bites dog, that makes
big headlines. If you say that Jinnah was responsible for the killings-
and for Pakistan-that is no news, for even a child knows that. But if
you say that Nehru and Patel were great killers, that is big news-and
big money. And there are people who will do anything to keep their
bank accounts topped up, especially if you have expensive habits, and
the bank manager is after you.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-21 08:16:27 UTC
Permalink
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=310&page=38

September 27, 2009

Media Watch

Reporting on Islamic subversions

On August 31, the Kerala paper Malayala Manorama carried an extensive
report on how a Pakistan-based terrorist outfit has been planning,
abetting and financing the enticing of college girls from different
communities to become cannon fodder for its programmes in India.

No one would ever charge the Kerala paper Malayala Manorama with
communalism. And no one would charge The Indian Express either. On
August 31, the Kerala paper carried an extensive report on how a
Pakistan-based terrorist outfit has been planning, abetting and
financing the enticing of college girls from different communities to
become cannon fodder for its programmes in India.

A summary of that report was published in The Indian Express on
September 4. It is revealing and, what is worse, terrifying. But how
are Malayali girls fooled? The modus operandi is astounding. Muslim
boys in Kerala are employed by the terror organisation very
selectively. The youngsters have to be handsome and dashing and
persuasive. They are provided with expensive clothing, hard cash and
motorbikes. Their job is to move in groups, select their prey
carefully and methodically, entice the girls chosen on the promise of
marriage and a wonderful life abroad.

Step two is as follows: "After days of pretended love-making, the
girls begin to believe that they have got their ‘Prince Charming’.
They elope. Then a marriage is registered before a notary and after
that the girl is whisked from place to place. The victim begins to
believe that she has to undergo all this to evade her parents who
would be searching for her. No outside contact is allowed to the
victim. All the time she is subject to propaganda videos that eulogise
terrorism, jihad and the ultimate victory of Islam."

It would seem that all over India as many as 4,000 girls have been
recruited as potential terror hands and suicide bombers. And nobody
ever gave the matter any thought. Now the Malayala Manorama has
exposed it all. Except The Indian Express, nobody else seems to have
picked up the story. The report would soon be forgotten. But doesn’t
it carry a moral? And shouldn’t all newspapers carry forward the story
of the missing girls by doing state-wise research of "missing girls"?
And how much is being spent for terror in India?

The Free Press Journal (March 4) carried a story that said that the
government has begun processes on a war footing to trace the source of
at least Rs 2,000 crore detected in over 200 bank accounts during the
current year. But where did that money originate? Nobody knows, but
the ‘investment’ was reportedly routed through countries like Bahamas,
Mauritius, Cooks Island and the Gulf countries. Isn’t there scope for
some real investigations? What is our media afraid of?

But once in a while the media does carry a story that is heart-
warming. Thus, The Hitavada (August 14) wrote about a British teacher,
a headmaster of a school in London who believes that "linguistically,
Sanskrit is the most perfect language on earth" and "understanding the
Sanskrit grammar through Panini will give an understanding of grammar
of all languages in the world"! That is an interesting observation.
According to David Boddy, the headmaster of St James Independent
School for Senior Boys, who once was Director of Press and Public
Relations for the British Conservative Party and Political Press
Secretary to the Right Hon. Margaret Thatcher during her first two
successful election campaigns, his school "is a school of difference
because it is developed on the strong foundation of ‘Philosophy of
Oneness’ or ‘Advaita Siddhanta’." It is not often that one gets to
read a story like this.

Good news is no news. Bad news, especially about the English media,
continues to make news, but what is often left out is a follow-up. The
Times of India, for instance, carried a story as long ago as April 7,
that the New York Times is threatening to shut down Boston Globe,
which it bought way back in 1993 for a record $ 1.1 billion. At the
time, Boston Globe was considered one of America’s "most acclaimed and
profitable newspaper". But now it seems that the paper is losing
heavily and the New York Times has incurred a debt of over a billion
dollars. In the United States, the craze is now for online news. The
growing fear is that if Boston Globe, famous for its reportage, can
lose circulation, what about smaller, less distinguished papers?

Technology is killing the print media in the United States, but
apparently this is getting to be common all over the West. India is
currently carrying on as if there are no changes in the offing but one
never knows how long this situations will last. Does one know that The
Times of India Online is the world’s number one daily website?
According to the latest figures from internet marketing research
company ComScore, timesofindia.com with 159 million page views in May
2009 was way ahead of the New York Times, Sun, Washington Post, Daily
Mail and USA Today. Surprisingly, The Times of India has been the
world’s largest-selling English language broadsheet newspaper in the
world but now it has also become the world’s number one English
newspaper across formats-broadsheet, compact, Berliner and online.

According to the Times Group Managing Director Vineet Jain, the
internet penetration is growing at the rate of about 30 per cent
annually. That is substantially large a percentage and if one has to
keep up with it, its trustworthiness has to literally increase
exponentially. If this happens it will be raising India’s own
trustworthiness, apart from that of the Times Group, a matter for all
to be proud of. The important think to remember is that India can do
it. But then, shouldn’t other Indian media websites strive to do
better? What one website can do, surely another can?

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-21 14:10:50 UTC
Permalink
http://rethinkingislam-sultanshahin.blogspot.com/2009/09/understanding-contemporary-india.html

Sunday, September 20, 2009

Understanding contemporary India through Mahabharat’s moral dilemmas

Spiritual Meditations
20 Sep 2009, NewAgeIslam.Com

Understanding contemporary India through Mahabharat's moral dilemmas

After spending six years continuously with the epic, I have learned
that the Mahabharata is about the way we deceive ourselves, how we are
false to others, how we oppress fellow human beings, and how deeply
unjust we are in our day to day lives. But is this moral blindness an
intractable human condition, or can we change it? Some of our misery
is the result of the way the state also treats us, and can we re-
design our institutions to have a more accountable government? I have
sought answers to these questions in the epic's elusive concept of
dharma, and my own search for how we ought to live has been this
book's motivating force.

The Mahabharata is unique in engaging with the world of politics.
India's philosophical traditions have tended to devalue the realm of
human action, which deals with the world of 'appearances' not of
reality. Indeed, a central episode in the epic dramatises the choice
between moral purity and human action. King Yudhishthira feels guilty
after the war for 'having killed those who ought not to be killed.' He
feels trapped between the contradictory pulls of ruling a state and of
being good, and wants to leave the world to become a non-violent
ascetic. -- Gurcharan Das

The Immorality of Silence

Remorse and Rahul Gandhi

Yudhishthira and Narendra Modi

URL of this page: http://newageislam.net/NewAgeIslamArticleDetail.aspx?ArticleID=1771

--------------

Welcome to Hastinapur- The Mahabharata's timeless appeal

On the subtle art of dharma

Gurcharan Das

What blacken our days are the insistent reminders of governance
failure, hanging over us like Delhi's smog. What kind of answers can
be found in the Mahabharata, which is obsessed with questions of right
and wrong?

In the spring of 2002 I decided to take an academic holiday. My wife
thought it a strange resolve. She was familiar with our usual
holidays, when we armed ourselves with hats and blue guides and green
guides and trudged up and down over piles of temple stones in places
like Khajuraho and Angkor Wat. As she moved to get up from her chair,
I explained that I had studied the great books of the West during
college but I had never read the Indian classics. The closest I had
come was to take Daniel Ingalls' Sanskrit classes at Harvard as an
undergraduate. Now, 40 years later, I yearned to go back and read the
texts of classical India, if not in the original, at least with a
scholar of Sanskrit nearby. My wife gave me a sceptical look, and
after a pause, she said, 'It's a little late in the day for a mid-life
crisis, isn't it?'

In the 1990s I travelled widely across the country and from these
travels emerged a book, India Unbound. In it I wrote about India's
economic rise and concluded that it was increasingly possible to
believe that for the first time in history Indians would emerge from a
struggle against want into an age when the large majority would be at
ease.

Prosperity has indeed begun to spread across India. Happiness, alas,
has not. What blacken our days are the insistent reminders of
governance failure, hanging over us like Delhi's smog. I am not only
thinking of corruption in its usual sense — of a politician who is
caught taking a bribe. My anguish comes from something else—from a
recent national survey that found that one out of four teachers in a
government primary school is absent and one out of four is not
teaching. Another study found that two out of five doctors do not show
up at state primary health centres and that 69 per cent of the
medicines are stolen. A cycle rickshaw driver in Kanpur routinely pays
a sixth of his daily earnings in bribes to the police. A farmer in an
Indian village cannot hope to get a clear title to his land without
the humiliation of bribing a revenue official. One out of five members
of the Indian parliament elected in 2004 had criminal charges against
him; one in eighteen had been accused of murder or rape.

I wondered if the Sanskrit epic, the Mahabharata, held any answers.
The epic is obsessed with questions of dharma, of right and wrong — it
analyses human failures constantly. Unlike the Greek epics, where the
hero does something wrong and gets on with it, the action stops in the
Mahabharata until every character has weighed in from every possible
moral angle. Would I be able to recover a meaningful ideal of civic
virtue from India's foundational text?

In the end my wife turned out to be a good sport, and so in the autumn
of 2002 we found ourselves at the University of Chicago. I was an
implausible student — a husband, a father of two grown up boys, and a
taxpayer with considerably less hair than his peers. Benares would
have been the conventional choice, but I did not want to escape into
'our great classical past.' Sanskrit pundits, I feared, would not have
approved of my desire to 'interrogate' the texts. It was a stray
remark of the poet, A.K. Ramanujan, which finally pushed me to
Chicago. "If you don't experience eternity at Benares," he said, "you
will at Regenstein." He was referring to the Regenstein Library with
its fabulous collection of South Asian texts and its array of great
Sanskrit scholars.

Can we change it?

After spending six years continuously with the epic, I have learned
that the Mahabharata is about the way we deceive ourselves, how we are
false to others, how we oppress fellow human beings, and how deeply
unjust we are in our day to day lives. But is this moral blindness an
intractable human condition, or can we change it? Some of our misery
is the result of the way the state also treats us, and can we re-
design our institutions to have a more accountable government? I have
sought answers to these questions in the epic's elusive concept of
dharma, and my own search for how we ought to live has been this
book's motivating force.

The Mahabharata is unique in engaging with the world of politics.
India's philosophical traditions have tended to devalue the realm of
human action, which deals with the world of 'appearances' not of
reality. Indeed, a central episode in the epic dramatises the choice
between moral purity and human action. King Yudhishthira feels guilty
after the war for 'having killed those who ought not to be killed.' He
feels trapped between the contradictory pulls of ruling a state and of
being good, and wants to leave the world to become a non-violent
ascetic.

To avert a crisis of the throne, the dying Bhishma, tries to dissuade
him, teaching him that the dharma of a political leader cannot be
moral perfection. The Mahabharata is thus suspicious of ideology. It
rejects the idealistic, pacifist position of the earlier Yudhishthira
as well as Duryodhana's amoral view. Its own position veers towards
the pragmatic evolutionary principle of reciprocal altruism: adopt a
friendly face to the world but do not allow yourself to be exploited.
Turning the other cheek often sends a wrong signal. An upright
statesman must learn to be prudent and a follow a middle path.
Politics is an arena of force, and a king must wield the danda, 'rod
of force', when required.

(This article is a specially prepared word excerpt from The Difficulty
of Being Good: On the subtle art of dharma, by Gurcharan Das, Allen
Lane/Penguin, 2009, pp 434.)

Source: http://www.hindu.com/2009/09/18/stories/2009091853371100.htm

----

Welcome to Hastinapur: The Mahabharata's timeless appeal

The Difficulty of Being Good: On The Subtle Art of Dharma

Gurcharan Das



Allen Lane

Rs 699

September 11, 2009

As in the case of Gurcharan Das, it was my grandmother who introduced
me to the Mahabharata in my childhood. Das returned to the epic later
on in life and as his lucidly written book The Difficulty of Being
Good: On the Subtle Art of Dharma shows, the author has used it as a
base to understand the present, including the nature of capitalism.

Classics like the Mahabharata, The Iliad, The Odyssey, The Aeneid have
a timeless appeal. But one should guard against reading too much into
their relevance to understand our times. The late Robert Fagles, whose
translations of the above-mentioned books by Homer and Virgil became
bestsellers, was asked by a reporter after the US invaded Iraq in
2003, "Is there a Rumsfeld in The Iliad?" Fagles replied: "Not that I
know of, but isn't one enough?"

On the face of it, to expect the Mahabharata to shed light on the
global economic crisis appears a bit of a stretch. The Mahabharata
believes that human beings are flawed, making our world full of
unevenness, rendering us vulnerable to nasty surprises.

Loading Image...

Peter Brook's production of 'The Mahabharata', a film made in 1989

Each of the major heroes has their failings. Dhritarashtra is blind to
his eldest son's faults. Duryodhana's monumental envy is the driving
force of calamity in the epic. Arjuna despairs over killing his
kinsmen. The virtuous Yudhishthira has a weakness for gambling. The
flaws of epic heroes show how difficult it is to be good in a world of
moral haziness.

This tale of a family in crisis is a metaphor, in Das's book, for the
economic upheavals that have engulfed the world. Capitalism may be a
mode of production but it also shapes the nature of social relations
between human beings who buy and sell goods in the market.

There are similar parallels throughout the book. Investment bankers on
Wall Street suffered from similar moral infirmities as the heroes in
the Mahabharata; they exposed the flaws in the global capitalist
system. Duryodhana's envy and greed that makes him want to annex the
Pandavas' kingdom is in tune with what big fishes do to smaller ones.

In other words, the narrative fleshes out through a tale of sibling
rivalry the brutal competition of 'interests and passions' that is the
characteristic of a 'free market'.

Are lessons from the Mahabharata enough to save capitalism? Das,
certainly, thinks that a healthy dose of Dharma may restore trust in
the system. Be that as it may, there is no doubt that this epic, like
all classics, enriches one's concept of Man. The Mahabharata is seven
times as long as The Iliad and The Odyssey combined but it has not
been translated in as many languages. It has had no Fagles. Das's book
(even though it is not really a translation) will certainly make it
accessible to a whole new generation.

N Chandra Mohan is an economic and business commentator

http://www.hindustantimes.com/News/booksreviews/Welcome-to-Hastinapur/Article1-452840.aspx

---

Books Excerpt

The Difficulty Of Being Wise

Gurcharan Das pans an ancient epic to retrieve lessons for today

Gurcharan Das

An Indian Morality Play

Duryodhana had many flaws but the most dangerous one was envy. He
could not stand to see the Pandavas succeed and his envy is the
driving force of the Mahabharata—driving it to war, death and
destruction....

The sort of envy evinced by Duryodhana was not unfamiliar to me when I
was growing up in Simla. My mother had a great and unrequited desire
to be a part of Simla's fashionable society. She envied those who
belonged to 'the club', the glamorous Amateur Dramatic Club. She must
have transmitted this to me, for I grew up with an acute concern over
my position in society, comparing myself to those who had things that
I did not possess, boys who were more attractive to girls than I was,
and especially those who made it to the school cricket team....

In 2007, Anil Ambani was the fifth-richest person in the world
according to the Forbes list of billionaires, but he was consumed with
a Duryodhana-like envy for his more accomplished older brother,
Mukesh, who was placed a notch higher on the list. Each brother had
his Shakuni, who was happy to rig a game of dice in order to win the
prize and destroy the other brother. Sibling rivalry within India's
wealthiest family was the longest-running soap opera in the country,
having mesmerised millions for the past four years. It mattered to the
nation because the enterprises of the two brothers accounted for three
per cent of India's GDP, 10 per cent of government tax revenues and 14
per cent of India's exports. Millions of shareholders worried if their
epic fight might devastate their life-long savings. I saw in this
corporate and family feud a morality play and I wondered if the
Mahabharata could shed some light.

Anil's envy of Mukesh is as dangerous as Duryodhana's. He cannot bear
the fact that his brother has more fame than him.

The first scene of the play opens in Mumbai's Kabutarkhana in 1964.
The Ambani children are growing up in a single room in a fifth floor
walk-up 'chawl' along with six members of their family. Their father,
Dhirubhai Ambani, has just set himself up as a trader in synthetic
yarn in the Pydhonie market. The son of a modest schoolteacher from a
village near Porbunder in Gujarat, Dhirubhai has returned from Aden
with Rs 15,000 in capital. He discovers that the demand for nylon and
polyester fabrics is monumental whereas supply is scarce because of
rigid government controls on production and imports. This is due to
India's socialist, command economy, created by Jawaharlal Nehru.
Businesses have to contend with dozens of controls in this period,
which Indians wryly call 'Licence raj'. Dhirubhai takes great risks
and soon corners government licences in the black market, and begins
to make large monopoly profits. His competitors cry 'foul'; his
critics call him 'corrupt'. He understands what Leftist politicians do
not—polyester is destined to become a fabric for the poor whereas they
tax and control it as though it was a luxury of the rich. Hence, the
mismatch between demand and supply and a black market.

Act Two: Dhirubhai ploughs his profits from trading into a
technologically advanced factory to make synthetic textiles, which is
up and running in record time thanks to his proximity to prime
minister Indira Gandhi's secretary. The village boy soon becomes a
master gamesman of the Licence raj, manipulating a decaying and
corrupt regime of controls to his advantage. He integrates backwards
to create an outstanding petrochemicals company, which first makes the
raw material for the textiles—polyester fibre—and then basic polymers
and chemicals, until he reaches the magic raw material, petroleum.

By now his sons are grown up. They are back from business school in
America, and have plunged into his company, Reliance, which is growing
at a scorching pace. Opponents predict its fall after the economic
reforms in the 1990s, but Reliance continues to expand and it is soon
India's largest company instead. It builds the world's largest oil
refinery in the shortest time, thanks to the project management skills
of Mukesh. Next, the company begins to explore for oil and gas. As
luck will have it, Reliance makes the biggest petroleum find in the
world in a decade—a mountain of gas off the shore of Andhra Pradesh.
It is monumental and holds the promise of easing the import burden of
a fast-growing, energy-starved nation. From the 'prince of polyester',
Dhirubhai has become the undisputed king of industrial India.

In '07, India had a Bhishma-like person on the throne. But he deferred
to his party's choice of Pratibha Patil as President.

Act Three opens in 2002 when the 'king' is dead. Three-and-a-half
million middle-class shareholders (the largest in any enterprise in
the world), who have become rich beyond their dreams, mourn his death.
He leaves behind two highly accomplished sons, and power passes to the
older, more sober Mukesh. The younger, flamboyant Anil marries a film
star, Tina Munim, a girl with a past. He loves glamour and cultivates
powerful politicians, and this does not go down well with the serious,
older brother. Mukesh tries to marginalise his brother, but Anil
retaliates. Filled with monumental envy for 'the new king', he
launches an attack on his brother. In the fight, governance failures
are revealed for the first time (about the family's shareholding and
the ownership structure of their new telecom venture). The stock
plunges and the country watches in fear at the unfolding of an awesome
tragedy. Finally, their mother—an anguished, Kunti-like figure caught
in the middle—intervenes and splits the kingdom like Dhritarashtra.
Three years later, both have prospered beyond their dreams and the
value of the empire of each brother is more than double of the
undivided kingdom.

The Ambani saga raises troubling moral questions. It is a classic rags-
to-riches story—the ascent of a simple village boy who against all
odds created a world-class, globally-competitive enterprise that has
brought enormous prosperity to millions. But it is also a tale of
deceit, bribery and the manipulation of a decaying and corrupt Licence
raj. Ambani's defenders argue that since his enterprises brought so
much good to society, what is the harm if he manipulated an evil
system and bribed politicians and bureaucrats? The government itself
realised it and has been dismantling the system since 1991. But
Ambani's opponents counter, saying that it is never justified to break
a law. Ends cannot justify the means. Other defenders believe that the
uncertain business world is full of danger and surprise, and a certain
amount of deception is necessary for business success.

Anil's envy of Mukesh is as dangerous as Duryodhana's. He cannot bear
the fact that his brother has far more power and fame than he does. He
burns inside each time the media extols Mukesh's awesome managerial
skills. Had the mother not intervened, the rivalry might have hurtled
over the top towards a Kurukshetra-like war, which might have
destroyed the whole enterprise, and with it the lives of millions of
people. The drama is by no means over. In 2009, Mukesh had moved up to
being the third-richest person in the world while Anil had slid to
being number seven. There continued to be a huge amount of bad blood
and dozens of court cases were pending between the two brothers.

But envy had certainly driven Anil to perform to great heights, and
the value of the enterprises of each brother was far greater than if
they had kept united. Dharma draws a fine line between the positive
and negatives sides of competition, and it is easily crossed as we
have seen recently in the global financial crisis in 2008. Competition
did put great pressure on investment bankers, rating agencies and
other players to bend the rules of decent conduct in the market for US
housing mortgages. But when they justified their acts as rational
behaviour based on the healthy competition, they slipped into the
arena of self-deception. To meet the relentless demand of the
bottomline and the incentive of a huge but unseemly bonus, many senior
executives compromised their character.

The Immorality of Silence

Draupadi's question (on the dharma of a king) also brought home to me
the immorality of silence. Vidura accuses the nobles, kings, and the
wise elders—all the less-than-mad-Kauravas—who stand by silently as
Draupadi is dragged by her hair before their eyes. When honest persons
fail in their duty to speak up, they 'wound' dharma, and they ought to
be punished according to the sage Kashyapa. In answer to her heart-
rending appeal, Bhishma ought to have leaped up and felled Dusshasana
to the ground instead of arguing over legal intricacies.

A similar conspiracy of silence diminished the office of the President
of India in the summer of 2007. The official candidate for the office
was a woman Congress Party leader, Pratibha Patil, against whom there
were extensive charges that were widely reported in the press. She had
started a cooperative bank in Maharashtra whose licence was cancelled
by the Reserve Bank. Her bank had given 'illegal loans' to her
relatives that exceeded the bank's share capital. It had also given a
loan to her sugar mill which was never repaid. The bank waived these
loans, and (it was) this which drove it into liquidation.... Six of
the top 10 defaulters in Pratibha Patil's bank were linked to her
relatives.

In July 2007, the nation had a Bhishma-like person of unquestionable
integrity in Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. But he remained largely
silent, deferring to his party's choice of the presidential candidate.
In passing, he called it 'mudslinging' by the Opposition, and the
nation believed him. In any case, the Congress Party had the votes and
Pratibha Patil dethroned perhaps the most upright and popular
president in Indian history. After that, the charges were never
investigated.

Draupadi's example is an inspiration to free citizens in all
democracies. Her question about the dharma of the king should embolden
citizens to question the dharma of public officials, especially when
they confront the pervasive governance failures around them. These
failures are commonplace and they range from sending troops to fight
unnecessary wars in places like Iraq or the absence of school-teachers
in government schools in India. They test the moral fabric of society.
When there is no other recourse, citizens must be prepared to follow
the Pandavas and wage a Kurukshetra-like war on the corrupt.

Remorse and Rahul Gandhi

When the Kurukshetra war comes to an end, it becomes clear that the
theme of the Mahabharata is not war, but peace. We have been so
mesmerised by the heroic and valorous deeds at Kurukshetra, recounted
in the battle books of the epic, that it is only during the sorrowful
'bath of tears' of the widows of Hastinapur that we begin to confront
the other side of war. Yudhishthira is left with a hollow sense of
victory....

Revolted by the violence against all human feeling, Yudhishthira
becomes a disillusioned pessimist. Yudhishthira expresses remorse and
he repents. The irony is that many Indians have a low opinion of him.
'Dharmaputra Yudhishthira' is a derogatory epithet. While Arjuna is a
brave and valiant warrior, remorseful Yudhishthira is considered weak
and indecisive. The contempt for Yudhishthira says something about
contemporary society. What we need is more remorse, not less, but it
is somehow considered unmanly....

When Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan's candidate for prime minister, was
assassinated in December 2007, what struck me most was the singular
lack of remorse in that country. There was plenty of grief, even some
regret, but no remorse. When I raised the question of Pakistan's lack
of remorse in one of my columns, Rahul Gandhi sent me an e-mail, which
I think is worth quoting, for he connects remorse with democracy:
"Remorse comes when you are able to feel the suffering of fellow human
beings to an extent where the suffering becomes your own. To feel
deeply human suffering you have to internally accept that all humans
are equal and see them as humans and not as a particular group. Once
you make this leap, democracy is the only system you can believe in.
(India's) leaders in the freedom struggle were able to look beyond
divisions and see the human being (including the British). Because of
this, they were able to feel the pain of people. The outcome was
democracy and remorse for your fellow human being. Pakistan's founders
(probably as a result of their fears) were unable to see beyond
divisions, and hence, the outcome was an unstable, undemocratic
remorseless system...."

Rahul Gandhi believes that remorse is more likely to be expressed in
democratic societies. But even in democracies it is usually absent. It
is extraordinary—there was no remorse among investment bankers on Wall
Street after they had tipped the global economy into a recession in
2008. They were not contrite that their actions had resulted in
millions of job losses around the world. They still expected bonuses
to be paid whether their company had lost or made money. It is as if
they felt they had a god-given right to earn more than ordinary human
beings. To be fair, a few investment banks, like Goldman Sachs, did
show restraint, but the majority behaved like the French aristocracy
just before the French Revolution. The Economist, a consistent
supporter of the free market, asked, "What will it take for bankers to
show a little remorse?"

Yudhishthira and Narendra Modi

Yudhishthira does not pursue the path of retributive justice but of
forgiveness. Even though he knows that Dhritarashtra had partly been
the cause of war, he does not hold trials of war criminals. He must
have realised that punishing his uncle would not have healed the
Pandavas' wounds nor helped to restore political community. He uses
the word kshama, 'forgiveness', several times, just as he had used it
earlier in an attempt to cool down Draupadi's anger in the forest.
Kshama has connotations of forbearance and forgiveness.

While forgiveness suggests a degree of 'self-righteousness',
forbearance points one in the direction of the classical virtue of
magnanimity. The magnanimous person is forward-looking and does not
suffer from the 'victimisation' complex of the forgiving person.
Seventeenth-century painters celebrated Alexander the Great's
magnanimity after defeating courageous Indian king Puru (Porus) of the
Punjab. The magnanimity of the victor towards the defeated has also
been codified in the Geneva Convention. Yudhishthira's actions make it
easier for the reconstruction of the fractured community of
Hastinapura.

Many liberals today, however, would be sceptical of Yudhishthira's
policy of reconciliation. They would argue that reconciliation in a
political community comes through political participation, which is
supposed to heal relationships and restore communal solidarity.
Excessive emphasis on social harmony and communal solidarity might
actually compromise the legitimate rights of individuals, such as the
right to reparations. Hence, former American secretary of state
Madeleine Albright always stressed 'first justice, then peace' during
the war in Yugoslavia. She believed that retribution had to precede
healing, and legal accountability for the past regime's offences was
necessary for restoring communal trust....

The opposite example is South Africa's oft-quoted success with
reconciliation. It shows that the "extension of forgiveness,
repentance, and reconciliation to whole nations is one of the great
innovations in statecraft of our time...."

More recently in India, Professor J.S. Bandukwala asked Muslims to
forgive the 2002 killings in Gujarat. Those who presided over the
killings were elected to power and their complicity was confirmed on
camera by an expose in Tehelka magazine in 2007. But, Prof Bandukwala
argued, "Forgiveness will release Muslims from the trauma of the past.
It may also touch the conscience of Hindus, since the crimes were
committed by a few fanatics in the name of Ram. Most important, it may
give Gujarat a chance to close the tragic chapter of 2002 and move
on...."

My first reaction to his proposal was: "No, the guilty must be
punished." But after chief minister Narendra Modi was re-elected with
a thumping majority, I wondered if it was not a great opportunity for
him to make a magnanimous gesture like Yudhishthira in order to heal
the state's wounds and lay to rest the ghosts of 2002. I felt that
forgiveness might actually work better than retributive justice. I
suggested in one of my columns if it was worth trying Professor
Bandukwala's idea.

I got some hate mail from both sides. Those who believed in legal
accountability disagreed with me vehemently, arguing that healing and
communal trust would only be restored in Gujarat once the guilty were
punished and the victims' right to reparations fulfilled. The admirers
of Modi, on the other hand, were outraged; they felt that it was they
who were owed forgiveness for the torching of the train in Godhra.
Nevertheless, I followed up my article with a suggestion that the
hugely popular chief minister, with a big electoral majority, would
gain a great deal of goodwill if he set up a 'truth and reconciliation
commission' (as Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu had done in South
Africa) and follow it up with a plan to rehabilitate victims on both
sides. This might end a tragic chapter.

Source: http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?261410

URL of this page: http://newageislam.net/NewAgeIslamArticleDetail.aspx?ArticleID=1771

Posted by SultanShahin at 2:13 PM

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-23 14:52:37 UTC
Permalink
http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2009/09/22/rhythm-of-soul/

September 22, 2009...7:34 pm
Rhythm of Soul

Source: RAO DILSHAD HUSSAIN and AREEBA IMTIAZ talk to Sain Zahoor
Ahmed about Sufi music and his mission

Sufi music has its root in different genres of music like qawali,
kafi, sufiana qalams and many other regional genre of similar
cultures. Sufi music started in the sub-continent by the great saint
Hazrat Amir Khusru in the 13th century. Since then sufi music is being
followed by composers and musicians of the subcontinent. Initially it
was used for the sole purpose of spreading the Islamic norms and
values.

Sufi music also highlights the teachings of the sufi saints like Baba
Bulleh Shah, Baba Farid, Mohamad Bukhsh and Shah Hussain etc. Sufi
singing is considered to be a symbol of love and affection. It gives
the message of peace and harmony. Now sufi music has a huge following
around the world.

Many Pakistani Sufi musicians including Abida Perveen, Sain Zahoor,
Sher Miandad Khan, Iqbal Baho and Ustad Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan have
been performing across the world. Sain Zahoor Ahmad has become one of
the Pakistan’s leading Sufi vocalists. He has acquired international
recognition in the recent years.

He has performed for Radio Pakistan and PTV. His contribution to the
field of Sufi music is enormous. He is amongst those musicians who
strived to promote the idea of mysticism. He is a natural born sufi
singer. He performs with beautifully adorned ‘Ektara’ while wearing
long embroidered Kurta, tightly bound customary turban and Ghungroos
(anklet bells).

Pakistani leading Sufi vocalist Sain Zahoor Ahmed while talking to
Sunday plus in an exclusive interview said, “I am associated with
music when I was just five years old. I was born in Depalpur Tehsil’s
Chuk No 47-D of Okara District in the province of Punjab. Basically I
belong to rural family, my forefathers used to cultivate the lands.
They could not imagine that a child brought up in rural area would
emerge as a musician”.

“At the age of five, I dreamt of a hand rising up from a grave that
directed me towards a shrine. I saw the same dream every night for
three years. It made me restless and I could not sleep at night. Once
in a month of Ramazan I came across mystically and spiritually well
reputed person Ustad Ronaq Ali who lived at a shrine and used to play
with Ektara. He had a magical voice. He used to sing ‘Uth ghafil raat
jay Damrhi aay, Aaj kol na veer ta aamrhi aay, aaykho raat judayaan
lamrhi aay, parh la ilaha illallah. Ustad Ronaq Ali was my first music
master and he tried to educate me and at least I learnt to play
Ektara. I used to play Ektara at the midnight hour while reciting ‘la
ilaha illalla’, he said.

“The dream was actually an invitation that put me on the right track
and all my intentions were diverted towards spirituality and Sufi
singing. I left my home at the age of ten and began roaming the Sufi
Shrines to find out the particular tomb that I had been dreaming about
it in past. My quest ended in Uch Sharif. I was passing through the
shrine where a massage was conveyed to me that Khalifa Sab or Shah Sab
wanted to meet me. When I kept pace on Mazar I realized that it was
the same tomb I saw in my dream. It was a mysterious coincidence in my
life. It was venerable Gillani Syed Bahar Hussain Shah’s shrine who
was grandfather of dignified Khalifa Syed Niaz Hussain. This Darga’s
respected Khalifa addressed me in these words ‘Taynu asi bulaaya aay,
tu kithe bajda aay’. There, I took oath of allegiance (ba’at) and
became the disciple of Syed Niaz Hussain Shah” Sain Said. Sain Zahoor
stayed there for three months to serve his ‘Pir-o-Murshid’. He started
singing sufi kalam there. Then, Syed Niaz allowed him to go back to
sing sufi kalams. Also he can visit shrine whenever he want.
Afterward, he had been regular visiting that Dargah. “Prior to death,
my Murshid advised me. Due to long journey, if it is difficult for you
to come here, then you can visit to Baba Bulleh Shah’s tomb in Kasoor,
we are basically from the lineage of Hazrat Baba Bulleh Shah” Sain
Zahoor Said.

Sain Zahoor has been performing in streets, shrines and sufi music
festivals as well for more than forty years but he got fame and
recognition in the last few years. Once leading TV and Radio anchor
Dildar Pervaiz Bhatti saw him performing at the tomb of Hazrat Madho
Lal Hussain. A thought originated in his mind that it was not an
ordinary voice, Sain’s mesmerizing and heart touching voice got round
so many persons including Dildar and immediately Dildar invited him to
perform for PTV station. Sain Zahoor said “Sincere efforts and support
of Dildar Bhatti helped me a lot and introduced me to the music
industry”.

“Thirty five years ago, when I went to PTV to perform for the first
time, my performance was recorded and played on PTV and the audience
enjoyed that performance a lot. At that time, Dildar Bhatti awarded me
with a cash of Rs. 250. I was also invited by Naeem Bokhari for his
talk show studio two.

Sain Zahoor studied music under the guidance of honorable Musicians
Ustad Ronaq Ali, Sain Marna and Taj Naseem Aqse. Sain Marna conferred
me the contract of three strings Ektara. The wording of rags is ‘Tan
tan wajda eik tara, eik taray vich raag hazara, wakh wakh aang her her
sur nyara, tan tan wajda eik tara, eik taray di zarb hayati, zarb
kilyan tay zarb barbaati…’

“Syed Wajid Ali Shah urged Hayat Ahmed Khan (founder of APMC) to
listen to me. Hayat Ahmad appreciated me and gave Rs. 500 as a reward.
He asked me to learn more about music. Hayat Khan hired different
musicians for me. I spent ten years to learn how to sing and play
musical instruments. Sain Zahoor learnt music under the guidance of
musicians like Ustad Ronaq Ali, Sain Marna and Taj Naseem Aqse who was
a film producer. I was taught how to recite Sufi kalam. I learnt three
raags Behrvi, Pahari and Jog”, he said.

In 1989, he participated in the All Pakistan Music Conference. His
melodic voice cast a spell over the audience. He emerged as a
distinguished artiste and frequently started performing on TV channels
and musical programmes. He performed in live concerts across the
globe. He has been a regular feature in Lahore’s World Performing Art
Festival organised by Rafee Peer Theater Workshop.

Sain Zahoor, a top-notch musician is now recognised known all over the
world. He has also been nominated for BBC world music award for his
performance in world folk music festival and he was awarded the ‘best
BBC voice of the year 2006’. Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan and Abida Parveen
are also the recipient of this award.

“I devoted my heart and soul to music. I toured extensively across the
globe to perform in Live shows. I have toured USA, Canada, UAE, Dubai,
Norway, Europe, Denmark, Brussels, Belgium, Brazil, England, China,
Japan, India, Britain, Malaysia and South Africa. I have also
performed numerous times in India. With the grace of Allah I was
appreciated by the audience all over the world”, Sain said.

Though he is illiterate and cannot read and write yet he is wise
enough to create his own symbols to read out the lyrics. In order to
memorise lyrics, he developed his own language of symbols. He draws
dolls and sketches and interprets them with their postures. Zahoor has
a good memory as he could remember some of the rare songs from the
ancient tradition of Punjabi Sufi culture.

He is reasonably cultured and knowledgeable. He speaks dulcet Punjabi.
He is a true dervaish and his way of speaking is quite philosophical.
He is loving and pretty generous, also gifted with humbleness. “Anyone
who recites Wali’s Kalam is superb”, he stated.

He is a man of high dignity and respect for adages, his speech is
gentle and punctuated by ‘Kalam’ of great Sufi Saint. When asked to
give a message to the younger generation Sain Zahoor recited a poem of
Baba Bulleh Shah, “Parrh Parrh Aalim Faazil Hoya, Kaddi Apney Aap noo
Parrheya hi nahin, Jaa Jaa Warda Mandir Maseetaan, Kaddi Mun Apney
Vich tun Wareya ee Nahin, Ainwayn Roz Shaitaan dey naal Larda, Kaddi
Nafs Apney Naal Lardeya ee nahin, Bulleh Shah Aasmaanin Uddiyaan
Phardaa, Jaidha Ghar Baitha Ohnun Phardeya ee Nahin. Mar wai kasma
mar, na mray kasam(Anger) tai na wassay ghar, ginday kasam na milay
doi. A man can never achieve the heights of ecstasy without embracing
Allah’s will or slaying his NAFS”.

As a Sufi musician, his major concern is spirituality and mysticism.
He always sings Sufi poets like Hazrat Mian Muhammad Bakhash, Hazrat
Baba Bulleh Shah, Khawaja Ghulam Fareed, Baba Fareed Ganj Shakar,
Waris Shah, Hazrat Sultan Bahu and Mullah Shah Badakhshi. He sings
with deepest feelings. His voice touches the heart and becomes the
rhythm of the soul. His passionate voice stimulates ones mind to
contemplate Allah. In 2007, he produced a sound track to a widely
known and esteemed Pakistani movie Khuda ke Liye. His song ‘Allah Ho’
for the movie ‘Kuda Ke Liye’ was greatly admired by the music lovers.

Eight albums of Sain Zahoor have been released so far. Allah Allah bol
bandya, Terey Ishq Nachaya, Ishq Bullay nau nachaway, Mai jana joge de
naal and Mian Muhammad Baksh are the most popular and pleasant music
tracks of Sain Zahoor. He is also working for his two upcoming musical
albums. Nowadays, he is in Thailand to perform in live concerts.

Interestingly, Sain Zahoor has been performing across the globe and
received numerous awards but unfortunately Pakistani government has
not yet acknowledged the services of this unique artiste. He deserves
‘Pride of Performance’ for his lifelong contribution to folk and sufi
music.

1 Comment

PMA
September 22, 2009 at 9:59 pm

RR: I did not want you to miss Sain Zahoor’s tribute to Dildar Pervaiz
Bhatti. Please read on:

Once leading TV and Radio anchor Dildar Pervaiz Bhatti saw him
performing at the tomb of Hazrat Madho Lal Hussain. A thought
originated in his mind that it was not an ordinary voice. Sain’s
mesmerizing and heart touching voice got round so many persons
including Dildar and immediately Dildar invited him to perform for PTV
station.

Sain Zahoor said “Sincere efforts and support of Dildar Bhatti helped
me a lot and introduced me to the music industry”.

“Thirty five years ago, when I went to PTV to perform for the first
time, my performance was recorded and played on PTV and the audience
enjoyed that performance a lot. At that time, Dildar Bhatti awarded me
with a cash of Rs. 250.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-23 15:00:04 UTC
Permalink
http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2009/09/17/poem-the-flour-deaths/

September 17, 2009...8:43 pm
Poem: The Flour Deaths

Do we need?
The Prime Minister House
The President’s palace
The great old parliament
The Muppets of our bureaucracy
The old feudal lords,
And the thousands acres
The old hands of dictators
And the warmth of lies
From the leaders of our present

Do we need?
The ruins of our existence
From one crisis to another
In the land enriched in its soil
From the fertile plains of Indus
To the rivers of the north
The old seasons of harvest
In the mockery of our times
From the creation of promise
To the hardened crimes of our elite

Do we need?
The remembrance of our times
From the questions of the youth
To the analysts of the past
The words in abundance
The absence of action and work
Delivered for the benefits of our hearts
The rotten souls and their dreams

Do we need?
The education and our health
The dream of our existence
Or the reliance on the west,
From its mercenaries to its aids
The disease, inhabited in our land
The crisis of the times, our lives engulfed

Do we need?
The question on their lips
The hatred in their hearts
As they died in the stampede
Of our failures and demise!

Kashkin

6 Comments

kirannazish
September 17, 2009 at 8:49 pm

It can be sung. Thanks for this post.

Mustafa
September 17, 2009 at 8:52 pm
Great post!! Well written kashkin

kashkin

September 17, 2009 at 11:26 pm
Thanks!

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September 18, 2009 at 12:53 am

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Joyce Ramay
September 18, 2009 at 7:20 pm

When I read of the deaths of people struggling to get flour, I
recalled one Eid when my late husband, Haneef Ramay, and I went to the
people living in tents along the railway tracks to distribute treats
to the children. They swarmed around us, the big kids shoving aside
the small ones. My husband spoke to them in his stentorian voice
saying, “We must all learn that the smallest and weakest among us must
come first. No one will get anything until you line up and let your
smallest brothers and sisters form in the front of the line. There
will be something for all of you.” To our amazement, the children all
giggled, the older kids directed their younger ones to the front, and
then took their places at the rear.

Afterwards, a man who had been attracted by the crowd came forward and
told my husband, “Sir, I have heard you give speeches for more that
thirty years, but that was the best one you ever gave.”

Haneef had been a Pak Tea House regular in the 1940’s and 1950’s, and
later went on to help found PPP, and held positions as Chief Minister,
Finance Minister and Assembly Speaker, and Senator. Please thank
Kashkin for his wonderful poetry.

http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2009/09/16/poem-the-stars-are-so-distant/

September 16, 2009...4:20 am
Poem: The Stars Are So Distant

There remains a mystery to our questions
Of who we are and where we belong
Of all our quests and questions,
The miracles we perform through science
Through words of literature and philosophy
Through years of humanity and its demise
As we ponder in silence and as we reach out
There remains a spectacle, far from our wisdom
The mankind only to serve, the purpose
Of the creation and of our Creator
How we live and serve, how we kill and maim
In the name of humanity, in the name of religion
The stars are so distant, never will we know
In this lifetime, only our souls, travelers of light
To experience, through moments of infinity
The stars are so distant, as the mist draws its curtains!

Kashkin


...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-23 15:23:10 UTC
Permalink
http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2009/09/16/mera-sahib-saadat-hassan-mantos-classic/

September 16, 2009...2:36 pm
Mera Sahib – Saadat Hassan Manto’s Classic

Saadat Hassan Manto wrote this classic in the early 1950s in Lahore.
The translation here is by writer who writes under the num de plume
“Godot”

“It happened in 1937. The Muslim League was in its juvenility. I, too,
was a young man. I wanted to do something. Anything. Besides, I was
healthy and strong, and wanted to engage in a rumble. I wanted to look
for trouble and pick fights. I was at an age when one longs to do
somethingBy something, I mean to say, if not a great adventure than
something!

“After this brief intro I return to the time when Ghalib was young.
Don’t know if he ever participated in any political movements or not,
but Yours Truly was a very active member of the Muslim League. Ghazi
Corps was comprised of youths like me, and I was a sincere member of
it. I stress ‘sincere’ because in those days I had nothing else. “It
was in those times that Mohammad Ali Jinnah came to Delhi. The Muslims
took out a huge and a wonderful procession in his honor. Obviously,
Ghazi Corps participated in this procession with full vigor. Our
leader was Anwar Qureshi sahib. He was a strong young man who has been
given an honor of, and is now known as, ‘Poet of Pakistan’. Our Corps’
youths were singing an anthem written by him. I don’t know if we sang
in tune with each other or not, the only thing I remember is nobody
cared about singing in synch. “This historical procession started from
Delhi’s historical Jamia Masjid and, roaring, passed through Chandni
Chowk, Lal Kewan, Hoz Qazi, and Chawri Bazar and ended at its
destination, meaning at the Muslim League office. In this historical
procession people yelled “Quaid-e-Azam,” which was considered illegal,
for Mohammad Ali Jinnah. A six-horse coach was provided for him. All
members of Muslim League were there in this procession. There were
lots of cars, motorcycles, bi-cycles and camels. But it was
exceedingly well organized. Quaid-e-Azam, who by nature was a very
civil and organized person, seemed very pleased to see such civility.

“I caught many of his glimpses. I don’t know my reaction the first
time I saw him. Now, when I think about it and analyze it I conclude
that, because sincerity is colorless, my reaction too was colorless.
At that time if someone had pointed me to any man and had said ‘there
is your Quaid-e-Azam,’ my adoration would have believed him. But when
I saw him many times there in that crowd of people and cars, my ego
was hurt: my Leader and so skinny…such a weakling! Ghalib has said: He
comes to my house God blesses / Sometimes I look at him and sometimes
I look at my house.

“It was his kindness and God’s blessing that he came to our house. I
swear to God when I saw him and his frail body and then my strong
physique, I wished either I contract or he expands. In the heart of my
heart, to keep him safe from evil eye, I had prayed for him and his
feeble body. The wounds he had inflicted were a common topic among his
enemies. “Circumstances change. Situation arose such that the art bug
that was sleeping in me started to crawl. I felt like testing my
kismet in Bombay in that field. I was attracted to drama ever since I
was a kid. I figured maybe there I could show off my skills. Now, on
one hand a desire to work for the nation and on the other, acting! A
man is weirdly contradictory!

“I arrived in Bombay. In those days Imperial Film Company was at the
top. It was difficult to get in, but somehow I got in. I worked as an
extra for eight anas a day, and used to dream that I will be a top
movie star one day. With God’s blessings, I am very talkative. I am
not a very pleasant talker, but I am not that unpleasant either. Urdu
is my mother tongue, a language the stars of Imperial Films did not
know. Urdu helped me out more so in Bombay than it did in Delhi.
Almost all the stars there had me read and write letters in response
to those that came to them in Urdu. All this reading and writing for
them did not help me, though. I was an extra and remained an extra.
“During this time I became friends with Buddhan, the very special
driver of Saith Ardesher Irani, the owner of Imperial Film Company.
Buddhan paid back my friendship with him by teaching me to drive a car
in his free time. But his free times were brief, and I was always
scared of the Saith lest he finds it out. I never really became a
skillful driver. Without Buddhan I could drive the Buick on an alif-
like straight road. My knowledge about the parts of the car, however,
remained zero.

“I was obsessed with acting. But that was in my head. My heart still
belonged to the Muslim League and Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. At
Imperial Film Company, on the Kennedy Bridge, in the Bhindi Bazar, on
the Mohammad Ali Road, and at the Play House, we used to have a
discussion, with groups of mostly Muslims, about the behavior of the
Congress. Everyone at Imperial knew that I was a Muslim Leaguey and
adored Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. But it was a time when Hindus
did not try to kill anyone who uttered the word “Quaid-e-Azam.”
Pakistan was not yet on the horizon. I think when people at Imperial
Film Company heard me praise Quaid-e-Azam they thought he was a film
star and I was a fan of his. That is why one day the biggest film hero
D. Blemoria said to me, ‘hey, here’s your Jinnah sahib,’ while moving
Times of India towards me. I thought there was a picture of him in the
newspaper. But I didn’t see it. So I said, ‘why, bhaiya, where is his
picture?’ Blemoria’s John Gilbert style thin mustache expanded with a
grin, ‘no photo woto, this is an advertisement.’ I asked,
‘Advertisement? What kind of advertisement?’ Blemoria took the paper
back and showed me a long column and said, ‘Mr. Jinnah needs a motor
mechanic who can take charge of his garage.’ I saw the ad where
Blemoria finger was resting and said ‘Oh!’ as if I read the whole ad.
The truth is I knew as much English as Blemoria knew Urdu. “As I
already told you, my driving was limited to driving a car on an alif-
like straight road. I knew nothing about the mechanism of the car. Why
does the engine start when you press the self, if some had asked me
that question I would have said that because it is the law of motors;
and why it sometimes doesn’t start, then I would have said that is
also the law of motors and human intelligence has nothing to do with
it! “You’d be surprised to know that I noted down the address of
Jinnah sahib I took from Blemoria and decided to go there the next
morning. I neither thought nor expected to get the job. I just wanted
to see him in his residence from up close. Therefore, taking my
sincerity as a diploma, I arrived at his beautiful mansion, located
near the Pleasant Road, on the Malabar Hill. Outside was a Pathan
guard. He was wearing an enormous shalwar and a silk turban, was very
clean, strong, and intimidating. His appearance made me very happy. I
felt strangely satisfied that there was not much difference in his and
my biceps, maybe of half-an-inch or so. “There were many candidates.
They were all standing with their credentials under their arms. I
joined them. The funny thing was, forget about the credentials, I
didn’t even have a simple driving license. My heart was beating hard
just thinking I am about to meet Quaid-e-Azam any moment. I was still
thinking about my heartbeat when Quaid-e-Azam appeared in the porch.
Everybody turned attention. I moved to the side. With him was his tall
and skinny sister whose pictures I had seen in many newspapers and
magazines. On the side was his respectful assistant.

“Jinnah sahib fitted his one-glass round eyeglass on his eye and
started to scrutinize the candidates. When his eye turned to me, I
moved back further. Immediately his piercing voice was loudly heard,
but I only heard “You.” I knew that much English. It meant “Tum.” But
who was that “Tum” that he addressed? I thought it was the guy next to
me, so nudging him I said, ‘I think he’s calling you.’ The guy asked
hopefully, ‘me, sahib?’ Quaid-e-Azam said again, ‘No. Tum.’ His skinny
but iron-like strong finger was pointing at me. My whole body
trembled, ‘Ji, ji, me?’ ‘Yes.’ This three-knot-three bullet ripped
through my heart and brain. My throat, which used to yell “Quaid-e-
Azam,” was completely dry. I couldn’t say anything. But when he took
off his monocle and said “All right,” I felt I might have said
something that he heard, or he understood my feelings and said “All
right” just to save me from further torture. He turned around and said
something to his very handsome and healthy secretary and went inside
with his sister. Totally confused, as I hurried to get out of there
his assistant called me and said that the Sahib wants me present at
ten o’clock tomorrow morning. I couldn’t ask the assistant why the
Sahib wanted me; I couldn’t tell him that I was not at all capable and
not qualified for the job for which Qaid-e-Azam put out an ad. The
assistant went inside and I returned home.

“I was there again at ten the next morning. When informed I was there,
the handsome and very well dressed secretary came out and, to my
surprise, told me that the Sahib had selected me and wants me to take
charge of the garage immediately. When I heard this I felt like
spilling my guts and tell him that Quaid-e-Azam had misunderstood
Yours Truly, and that I showed-up just to have a little fun; why are
you putting this garage responsibility on these incompetent shoulders.
But I don’t know why I couldn’t say all that. As a result, I was
immediately given that responsibility and the keys were handed to me.
There were four cars of different makes, and I only knew how to drive
Saith Ardesher Irani’s Buick, and on an alif-like straight road at
that. There were many turns to get to Malabar Hill, and Azad was going
to carry not only his own self in the car. God knows how many
different places for important work he had to carry this Leader to
whom belonged lakhs of Muslims lives. “I thought of dropping the keys
and running away; run straight to my house, pick up my stuff, and
catch the first train to Delhi. But I didn’t think this was the right
thing to do. I figured tell the truth to Jinnah sahib, apologize to
him, and return to the place where I really belonged. But trust me,
sir, I did not get a chance to do this for the next six months.”

“How so?” I asked. Mohammad Hanif Azad continued, “Listen to this now.
The very next day I was ordered to bring the car. Those things that
fly at times like these, almost flew. I decided that the moment the
Sahib comes, I’d say salam to him, return the keys, and fall at his
feet. But it couldn’t happen. When he came to the porch, I was so
intimidated by him that the incompetent me couldn’t utter a word.
Besides, Fatima sahiba was with him. To fall into someone’s feet in
the presence of a woman, Manto sahib, was too much.” I saw bashfulness
in Azad’s big eyes and smiled, “khair, what happened then?” “What
happened then, Manto sahib, is that Yours Truly had to start the car.
It was a new Packard. I started the car with the name of Allah, and
took it out of the mansion very cleanly. When I got to the bottom of
the Malabar Hill near the red light at the corner…you know what a red
light is, right?” “Yes, yes,” I shook my head affirmatively.

“Well, sahib, that became a problem. Master Buddhan had told me to
just press the breaks and everything should be alright. In confusion I
hit the break with such clumsiness that the car stopped with a sudden
jolt. The cigar fell off Qaid-e-Azam’s hands. Fatima Jinnah jumped
forward two balisht and started cursing at me. A deep fear seeped
through my entire body. My whole body started to tremble. I felt
dizzy. Qaid-e-Azam picked up his cigar and said something in English,
which probably meant ‘lets go back.’ I obeyed the order. He asked for
a new car and a driver and left for where ever he had to go. I did not
get to serve him for the next six months after that incident.”

“To serve him like that?” I asked, grinning. Azad also smiled. “Yes.
You figure the Sahib would not give me another chance. There were
other drivers. They served him. The assistant told the drivers the
night before the car and the driver that were needed the next day. If
I’d asked him about me he couldn’t give me a satisfactory answer. I
found out later what was in Sahib’s mind. No one could say anything
about him with any certainty, nor could ask him about such matters. He
spoke only when he had to, and listened only when he needed to. That’s
why, although being so close to him, I could not find out why he kept
me like a useless car part.” “It’s possible that he forgot about you,”
I said to Azad.

A huge laughter came out of Azad’s throat, “No, sir, no. The Sahib
never forgot anything even if he wanted to. He knew very well that
Azad is breaking free bread. And, Manto sahib, when Azad breaks bread
they are not little bread. Look at this built.” I looked at Azad. I
don’t know what he was like in ‘37 or ’38, but I saw a well built and
a strong man sitting in front of me. You must have known him as an
actor. Before the Division he worked in many films in Bombay. With his
other actor friends he is barely making a living in Lahore these days.

I found out last year from a friend of mine that this big-eyes, dark-
skinned, well-built actor was a driver to Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali
Jinnah for some time. I had been, therefore, eyeing him ever since.
Whenever I met him, I brought up the topic of his Master and collected
his stories in my head. With an intention to write this essay, when I
listened to his stories yesterday, I saw a very interesting angle to
Quaid-e-Azam’s life. What had struck Mohammad Hanif Azad most was that
his Master liked physical strength. Just as Allama Iqbal liked those
things that were tall and majestic, Quaid-e-Azam liked strong things.
That’s why when he picked his servants, their health and physical
strength was the first thing he noticed. In those days, of which
Mohammad Hanif Azad talked about, Quaid-e-Azam’s secretary was a very
handsome man. All of his drivers had exemplary physical built. The
guards for his mansion were also selected based on physical strength.

What could be an explanation for this other than that,
psychologically, although Late Jinnah was physically very weak but
extremely strong from inside, he did not want to associate himself
that was weak and feeble. When a person really likes something, he
takes care of it real well. Quaid-e-Azam made sure all his well-built
servants dressed very well. His Pathan chowkidar was ordered to dress
his ethnic dress. Azad was not a Punjabi, but was at times asked to
wear a Punjabi turban. This headgear is quite impressive and one looks
very impressive in it. Quaid-e-Azam seemed very pleased by it and used
to award Azad whenever he put one on. If one thinks about it, Jinnah
being so conscious of his own frail body was his very strength of his
strong and powerful life. That was evident in the way he walked,
talked, ate, and thought. Mohammad Hanif Azad told me that Quaid-e-
Azam ate very little. “He ate so little I wondered how he is alive. If
I were forced to eat that little my fat would’ve started to melt the
next day. Despite him eating so little, four or five chickens were
cooked every day. But he used to eat only a very small cup of a
chick’s soup. Fruits were delivered everyday, and lots of it; but all
of it used to wind up in the servants’ bellies. Every night after the
dinner, the Sahib would check the list of grocery and give me a one-
hundred-rupee bill for the next day’s dinner.”

“One hundred rupees everyday?” I asked Azad. “Yes, sir, exactly one
hundred rupees. And the Sahib never asked what happened to it.
Whatever remained of it got divided among the servants. Sometimes
thirty rupees remained, sometimes forty, and sometimes even sixty or
seventy. He must have known that we kept the remainder, but he never
asked for it. However, Miss Jinnah was very clever. She used to get
mad at us and say we all are thieves. But the way the Sahib treated us
we used to think of his things as our own. So we kept quiet when she
would lose her temper at us. At times like that the Sahib would say to
her sister, ‘It is all right, it is all right,’ and that would be the
end of it. But once “It is all right” did not end it. Miss Jinnah
kicked the cooks out, not one but both cooks. Quaid-e-Azam had two
cooks at the same time, one was an expert in Hindustani food and the
other in English food. Usually the Hindustani cook was a waste and did
not do anything. He got to cook maybe once in months. Once in a blue
moon he would get an order to cook, but Quaid-e-Azam did not really
care about that food. “When both cooks got kicked out,” said Azad,
“the Sahib did not say anything. He did not interfere in his sister’s
affairs. So he started eating out in restaurants. During this time we
had a ball.

We would take the car out for hours, hang out, come back and tell them
we could not find a cook. Finally, both cooked were asked to come back
by Miss Jinnah.” If a man does not eat much, he either hates those who
eat a lot, or feels very happy to see others eat a lot. Quaid-e-Azam
ate very little but he was very happy to see others eat a lot. That’s
the reason he used to hand out one hundred rupees everyday and forget
about it. It doesn’t mean he was a spendthrift. Mohammad Hanif Azad
recounts an interesting incident. “One evening in 1939, by the Warli
Beach, I was driving the white Packard very slowly with the Sahib in
it. The low waves were touching the shore gently. It was a beautiful
but slightly chilly evening. The Sahib was in a really good mood. I
took advantage of it and started talking about Eid. He knew
immediately what I was after. I saw in the rear view mirror he took
his never-separating cigar out of his mouth and, his thin lips
smiling, said in a broken Urdu, ‘Well, well, you suddenly have become
a Muslim, try to be a little bit Hindu also.”

Four days earlier Quaid-e-Azam had turned Azad into a Muslim, meaning
that he had given him two hundred rupees as an award. That‘s why he
advised Azad to become a little bit Hindu. But that did not affect
Azad. In this Eid Azad came to the film producer Syed Murtaza Jilani
to affirm his Musalmani when I saw him and further interviewed him for
this story. Quaid-e-Azam’s private life is a mystery and will remain
so forever. That is the general feeling. But I think his private life
was so mixed-up with his political life that he had practically no
private life left. His wife had passed away long time ago and his
daughter married a Parsi against his wishes. Mohammad Hanif Azad told
me, “The Sahib was in a great shock because of it. He wished his
daughter had married a Muslim; the skin color or the ethnic background
did not matter to him. His daughter argued that if he could marry to
whom ever he wanted, how come he does not grant her the same freedom.”

Quaid-e-Azam had married the daughter of a very influential Parsi man.
Everyone knows that. But very few people know the Parsi man was very
unhappy about it and sought revenge. Some think he conspired to have
Qaid-e-Azam’s daughter marry a Parsi. When I talked to Azad about it
he said, “Only Allah knows. I only know that this was the second
biggest shock to him after his wife’s death. He was greatly affected
when he found out that his daughter married a Parsi. His face was a
mirror of his feelings, and reaction to even a simple event could be
seen on his face. A simple furrow in his eyebrow could become very
scary. What must have gone through his heart, only the Late One could
tell. What I found out from the outside sources is that he was very
disturbed. He did not meet anyone for fifteen days. He must have
smoked hundreds of cigars, and must have paced hundreds of miles in
his own room. “He walked a lot when he was in deep thoughts. In the
dead of the night he would pace back and forth on the hard and
spotless floor for hours. In calculated steps, from here to there, and
there to here, in the measured distance, his white and black, black
and white, or white and brown shoes used to make a strange tick tick
sound as if a clock is telling the news about its life in a consistent
manner.

Quaid-e-Azam loved his shoes, perhaps because they were always at his
feet and moved according to him. “After fifteen days of constant
mental and spiritual disturbance, he suddenly re-emerged. There was no
sign of shock on his face any longer, although the sadness had left a
slight wound in his neck. But it was still straight and stiff. It did
not mean, however, that he had forgotten the shock.” When Azad started
to talk about this aspect of Qaid-e-Azam’s life a second time, I
asked, “How do you know he had not forgotten that shock?” Azad
answered, “Nothing in a house can be hidden from the servants.
Sometimes the Sahib would order to open a trunk. In this ship-like
trunk were many clothes, of his late wife and of that disobedient
daughter when she was a little girl. When those clothes were taken
out, the Sahib would look at them with an intense quietness. Then a
sudden sadness would cover his thin and very clean face. He would
quietly say ‘It is all right, it is all right,’ take off his monocle
and, wiping it, would walk away. According to Mohammad Hanif Azad,
“Quaid-e-Azam had three sisters: Fatima Jinnah, Rehmat Jinnah, and I
don’t remember the name of the third one who lived in Dongri. At
Jopati Corner, near Chinnai Motor Works, lived Rehmat Jinnah. Her
husband was employed somewhere. Their income was very modest.

Every month the Sahib would give me a sealed envelope that had money
in it. He would also give me a parcel that perhaps contained clothes
and things. I used to deliver these to Rehmat Jinnah. Miss Fatima
Jinnah and the Sahib would pay visit there every once in a while. The
sister who lived at Dongri was married. All I know about her is that
she was well off and did not need anyone’s help. He had a brother. The
Sahib would help him out routinely, but he was not allowed in the
Sahib’s house. “I had seen this brother of Quaid-e-Azam in Bombay. One
evening, in a bar, I saw a man, who looked like Quaid-e-Azam, ordering
half rum. The same feature, the same backcombed hair, almost the same
white striped hair. When I inquired about him I found out that he is
the brother of Mr Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Ahmed Ali. I kept looking at
him. Sipping it slowly, he finished that half a glass of rum in a
royal manner.

It cost one rupee, which he paid as if he is paying a huge amount.
From his attitude it appeared as if he is sitting at a bar in Taj
Mehal Hotel, not in a flimsy and a cheap one. There was a gathering of
Muslims just before the historic meeting between Gandhi and Jinnah. I
had a number of friends at that gathering. They told me that Jinnah
was on the platform giving a speech in his typical style, and far, at
a distance, his brother Ahmed Ali, wearing his monocle, was standing
in such a way as if he was chewing his brother’s words.

“Billiards was the only indoor game Quaid-e-Azam liked. He would order
to open the billiards room when sometimes he felt like playing the
game. Although every room was cleaned every day, the servants made
sure the special room he ordered to open was very clean and everything
in it was set properly before he walked in. Because I played the game
a little, I was allowed in that room. Twelve balls would be presented
to him, he would select and the game would begin. Miss Fatima Jinnah
would stand nearby. The Sahib would light up a cigar, press it between
his lips, and would analyze the position of the ball he was going to
hit. He would spend many minutes in his analysis. With this angle.
With that angle. He would weigh the cue in his hands and move his bony
fingers on it as if it were a sarangi, mumble something, and take a
position; but if another angle come to his mind, he would stop, think,
make sure, hit the ball with the cue, and if successful, would look at
his sister with a conquering smile. “In the game of politics, Quaid-e-
Azam was as careful. He would never decide immediately. He would
analyze and scrutinize each problem as if it were a billiard ball. He
would move his cue to hit only if he was certain. Before he struck, he
would weigh his prey with his eyes carefully. He would consider all
angles. He would select the weapon according to the size of his
opponent. He was not a hunter who would pick up a gun and just shoot.
He would make sure not to miss. He would know his prey’s every
possible weakness before he aimed.”

According to Azad, “Qaid-e-Azam stayed away from the people who came
by just to meet him. He hated useless and senseless talk; but only
those talks that mattered, and even that had to be very precise and
concise, in both what he had to say and hear. That’s why only a few
people were allowed in his special room. There was only one sofa
inside the room with a small side table on which he would drop the
ashes of his cigar. Across the sofa were two showcases. He kept those
Qurans in them that were given to him by his fans. That room contained
his personal papers as well, where they were kept safely. He would
spend most of his time in that room. There was no table there. If a
person was asked in that room, he would stay at the door, listen, and
walk out backwards. The empty side of the sofa had his papers all over
it. If he wanted to write a letter, he would have the steno come in
and take dictation. His tone had certain harshness. When he spoke one
felt as if he was putting emphasis on those words that did not need
emphasis.” Judging from Azad’s testimonies, it seems the psychological
reason for his harshness was his physical weakness. His life was more
like a smooth pond, but he lived a life of a storm.

Some people say that it was his inner strength that had him live for
that long, that is, his awareness of his own physical weakness.
According to Azad, the Late Bahadur Yar Jung was among Quaid-e-Azam’s
best friends. “It was only him with whom he was so frank. Whenever he
came to visit, both men would talk about the country and politics like
true best friends. At that time, Quaid-e-Azam would separate his outer
shell from his inner self. He was the only one with whom the Sahib was
so frank and open. One felt as if they were childhood buddies. When
they talked to each other, one could hear the loud laughter coming out
of the closed doors. Other than Bahadur Yar Jung, other Muslim League
leaders, such as Raja Mahmud Abad, I. I. Chundrigarh, Maulana Zahid
Husain, Nawabzadah Liaquat Ali Khan, Nawab Ismail, and Ali Imam sahib
used to pay visit. But the Sahib dealt with them in a professional
manner, not in a frank way reserved for Bahadur Yar Jung.”

“Khan Liaquat Ali Khan must have visited quite often,” I said to Azad.
Said Azad, “Yes, the Sahib treated him as if he were Sahib’s best
student. And the Khan sahib listened to him very carefully, obeyed,
and carried his orders. When he was asked to pay visit, sometimes he
would ask me, ‘Hey, Azad, how’s Sahib’s mood today?’ I would tell him
how his mood was. If the Sahib were not in his good mood, every wall
in the mansion would know it. “Quaid-e-Azam took great care in his
servants’ character and personal behavior. Just as he hated bodily
dirt and smell, he hated bad behavior and character. He liked his
assistant very much, but was very irritated when he found out that the
assistant was having an affair with an employed girl. He could not
tolerate this irritation for long. The assistant was asked to see him,
and was fired. But after firing him, the Sahib started treating him as
a friend.” Tells Azad, “Once I came home at two in the morning after
having some fun. Those were the days when young blood feels certain
pleasure for doing bad things. I thought the Sahib would not know
about me coming in so late. But somehow he did. He called me in the
next day and said in English, ‘You are developing a bad character.’
Then he said in a broken Urdu, ‘Well, we’ll have you married.’ So,
when he went to Bombay from Delhi for a conference, I was married per
his instructions. Although I am just a Shaikh, I am fortunate that
only because of him I was married in a Sadat Family. The girl’s family
accepted me because Azad was a servant of Qaid-e-Azam.”

I suddenly asked Azad a question, “Ever heard Quaid-e-Azam say I am
sorry?” Azad moved his fat neck in negation, “No. Never.” Then he
smiled, “If by an accident he uttered the words “I am Sorry,” I’m
certain he would’ve erased those words from the dictionary forever.” I
think this spontaneous response of Azad sums up the entire character
of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Mohammad Hanif Azad is alive, in
this Pakistan given to him by his Quaid-e-Azam. And now, on the map of
this world, this Pakistan is struggling to stay alive with the
leadership of Jinnah’s best student, Khan Liaquat Ali Khan. In this
free country, outside the doors of Punjab Art Pictures, near the paan
store, Azad sits on a broken cot and waits for his Master. He also
prays for a better time when he would get his salary in time.

He is even ready to be a Hindu, as his Master once told him, provided
he gets that chance back. He was very worried when I talked to him
about Quaid-e-Azam’s life. He did not have money even for a paan.

When I started to make small talk to relieve him from his worries, he
sighed and said, “Sahib has died. I wish I had gone on that journey
with him. It would be his open white Packard. I would be at the wheel.
I would drive the car very slowly to his final destination. His frail
body could not tolerate jolts, you know. I’ve heard, Allah knows right
or wrong, that when the airplane with him on landed in Karachi, the
engine of the ambulance that took him to the Government House was not
in good condition. It stopped after going only a short distance. My
Sahib must have been so annoyed.”

Azad’s big eyes were full of tears.

Courtesy Chowk.com

140 Comments

Filed under Pakistan


140 Comments

Junaid
September 16, 2009 at 3:20 pm

Why was Jinnah so upset when his daughter married a parsi?

Wasn’t he a secularist? A questions some one the secularist supporters
of Jinnah need to answer.

Majumdar
September 16, 2009 at 3:27 pm

Junaid,

He was upset quite all right but not so much with NWadia being a Parsi
but being a person of a bad character.

It has been suggested of course that the rickety ambulance was
deliberately sent by LAK to ensure the Qaid’s premature death.

Regards

Bloody Civilian
September 16, 2009 at 4:45 pm
majumdar,


here’s a counter context to the suggestion about LAK: the limousine he
took the guard of honour in alongside mountbatten, on 14 august, had
also burst in to flames moments after the dignitaries had stepped out.
unlike delhi which was an established capital/centre, karachi was a
bit of a backwater. even the transfer of the less than adequate assets
took a long time.

Bloody Civilian
September 16, 2009 at 4:50 pm

… i believe the open top limo belonged to some local parsi friend of
MAJ’s

YLH
September 16, 2009 at 5:32 pm

Junaid,

Assuming that it is true – and not what Majumdar says- how does it
affect his secularism?

Does this mean all Parsis are non-secular – because they ex-
communicate all women who marry out of the faith? On the contrary
Parsis are perfect secularists.

What about Nehru and his objection to Feroze (Gandhi originally Khan
it is said)? Does that make Nehru less of a secularist? How about
Gandhi’s objections to his son’s conversion to Islam? Does any of this
mean that they were opposed to separation of Church and State?

I don’t think anyone who understands the word secularism in its right
context would not raise such a weird question.

Mustafa
September 17, 2009 at 1:27 am

hey guyz i am not sure if this is true but i heard that Quaid E Azam’s
grandson or something is living in very poor conditions and nobody is
helping him or asking him how he is doing

adnan
September 17, 2009 at 2:21 am

@YLH if i could take the liberty..as i understood Junaid is trying to
make a comparison between Quaid’s Muslim identity vs. a secularist
one.
i.e. why would he object if it werent for religious reason’s or as
MAJUMDAR said bcoz of the bad character of NWadia.

adnan
September 17, 2009 at 2:23 am

RE Mera Sahib!!

anyplace to get Urdu versions from?

Hayyer
September 17, 2009 at 2:45 am

Jinnah’s grandson is an Mumbai billionaire. You are probably thinking
of one of Jinnah’s agnates through a cousin of Jinnah called Aslam who
is reported to be destitute.

YLH
September 17, 2009 at 6:10 am

Adnan,

I have already answered that. See the Parsi example. Assuming it was
for religious reasons, that does affect one’s views on whether the
state should be separate from church and there should equality
regardless of religion caste or creed.

Secularism and irreligiousity are not the same thing. Only in Pakistan
secularism is translated as “la-deeniyat”.

AZW
September 17, 2009 at 7:53 am

Nice read.

Junaid:

You need to understand the word secularism a bit better. Secularism
stands for equal rights for every human afforded by the “state”,
regardless of their caste or creed.

I have another comment here. As much as I revere Jinnah, I am curious
about Azad’s comment that Jinnah never said I am sorry once. Now a guy
working for Jinnah may not have an audience to Jinnah at all times;
but does this little detail imply lack of humility at Jinnah’s part?

Or is humility indeed a virtue?

yasserlatifhamdani
September 17, 2009 at 7:58 am

“the limousine he took the guard of honour in alongside mountbatten,
on 14 august, had also burst in to flames moments after the
dignitaries had stepped out.”

Is this true?

By the way one L K Advani was the principal accused of the plot to
assassinate Jinnah in 1947.

D_a_n
September 17, 2009 at 12:11 pm

@ YLH….

thanks for the following gem:

‘Secularism and irreligiousity are not the same thing. Only in
Pakistan secularism is translated as “la-deeniyat” ‘

About time someone defined the blindingly obvious!

Junaid
September 17, 2009 at 12:48 pm

You need to understand the word secularism a bit better. Secularism
stands for equal rights for every human afforded by the “state”,
regardless of their caste or creed.

@AZW

Thanks for that. It makes things clearer. So a person can be a good
Muslim and advocate for equal rights of the citizens of his state. I
guess this is not possible given by nature of Islam towards non-
Muslims.

Which is why I think Jinnah made a big mistake.

D_a_n
September 17, 2009 at 2:35 pm

@ Junaid…

‘I guess this is not possible given by nature of Islam towards non-
Muslims.’

Utter tosh!

adnan
September 17, 2009 at 3:46 pm

Somehow i’m getting the feeling that this discussion is moving towards
the unfortunate or fortunate question of reason of being of Pakistan.
I say unfortunate since it’s been more than 60 yrs and we are still
discussing this question/fortunate may be coz people are inquisitive!!
but how how long this stays healthily inquisitive or mutates into a
‘Spanish Inquisition’ is a question of time.
For me there are no doubts it was for Islam….
But when someone asks i simply ask myself ‘What would a common person
of Pakistan Movement would have thought? Why was a commoner struggling
for a separate country for Muslims? What was that Pakistan ka matlab
kia LA ILAHA ILALLAH? How could Pakistan be a Laboratory of Islam if
Islam were not to be tested(though i disagree with testing term; i
take it as a simile) in it?

All this as Junaid said Islam has a rather different approach towards
Non-Muslims, i wouldnt say harsh or ugly, but certainly not Equal to a
Muslim citizen!!

yasserlatifhamdani
September 17, 2009 at 3:52 pm

Pakistan ka matlab kiya la illah ilallah was never raised during the
Pakistan movement… and certainly never by Jinnah himself.

The questions you ask yourself are misdirected. The commoner did not
vote for the impressive list of Maulanas… but chose to vote for Jinnah
instead whose westernized lifestyle were well known and were well
popularized.

Read Jaswant Singh’s book. You’ll see why Pakistan happened.

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adnan
September 17, 2009 at 10:08 pm

and now i should judge quaid by Jaswant Singh’s Book..he is the
authority now…wow!!
commoners didnt understand Quaid’s English either…but took it in
context of the contemporary newspapers which interpreted for them….or
when Allama Iqbal favored Quaid, the same guy who doesnt stop short
from ‘neel k saahil say lay ker tabkhaak e kashgar’.
as far as Pakistan ka matlab kia la ilaha ilallah, its a widespread
belief that it was a pakistan movement slogan.. so if u wanna refute
it..refute it with evidence!!(ask ten people from the streets of
pakistan)
But lets put aside the above arguments and then think.. i would say if
it werent for Islam creation of Pakistan was a big mistake…No, but a
stupendous one!!…if a commoner was suffering from so much low self-
confidence…and was so impressed by that Victorian style of manner or
culture…he should not have asked for self ruling… Who could be better
than the Gora saab himself…
and gora saab has indeed left some glorious examples…. we would have
thrived under the british as honkong, singapore etc did.and in some
way u can say australia, Canada as well….

Or if wanted a secular state why did the sin of dividing Historical
India…as the modern day Indians claim….(for the economic benefit of
Muslims? very pathetic….)

adnan
September 17, 2009 at 10:23 pm

ohh my goodness..now i realise this is a useless debate on this
forum….
there has already been a great duel on this topic in this exact forum
http://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2008/04/05/remembering-bhutto-historyclergy-and-pakistan/

…so if that couldnt persuade people …i dont think my bickering would!

kabir
September 17, 2009 at 11:04 pm

Completely agree with Junaid.

bonobashi
September 17, 2009 at 11:07 pm

@adnan

I am sure that you were making valid and important points, but what
were these? You did mention in one of your last comprehensible
sentences that commoners didnt understand Quaid’s English either, and
so on. If that is a criterion for being the national leader, please
step up and take your rightful position.

1. According to you, if something is not understood, it is sufficient
to read about its interpretation in the newspapers.

This is the guiding fallacy of news in most parts of the world, and
the reason why western nations pay so much attention to managing the
press. It is very pleasing to note your attempts at global convergence
of views. Bushie Baba would be proud of you.

2. About Pakistan ka matlab kya….: I understand that you have in
effect claimed that due to the numbers of people believing it to be
true, it is no longer important whether or not it is true, what is
important is that a large number of people believe it to be so.

Fascinating; are you truly adnan, and a Pakistani? I would have
suspected otherwise, perhaps a Suresh Prabhu, or an Om Prakash
Sharma.

The argument you have used is precisely the one used by the Sangh
Parivar to justify the destruction of the Babri Masjid on the grounds
that it was built precisely on the temple marking Sri Ramachandra’s
place of birth; to argue that there was in fact a real bridge, built
by squirrels and other little furry beasts, at the personal behest of
Sri Ramachandra himself, to enable him and his vanar army to cross
over into Sri Lanka and settle scores with Ravana; also by their
supporter the Shankaracharya of Kanchipuram to establish the date of
the philosopher and reformer Shankara at some fancy date like 4,000
years ago (or was it 40,000? I have not updated myself in recent years
and don’t know the current state of predictability and prediction).

You are in good company, aren’t you?

3. I would like a guide, preferably a graphic one, indicating where
each sentence object is, and where the subject is, for your (I think)
fourth paragraph. As an alternative, I propose to save it up for
Sunday, as the comics and the puzzles have fallen off sadly these
days.

There is a possibility that you will not oblige, n’est ce pas? Let’s
try on our own, anyway.

But lets put aside the above arguments and then think.. i would say if
it werent for Islam creation of Pakistan was a big mistake…No, but a
stupendous one!!…if a commoner was suffering from so much low self-
confidence…and was so impressed by that Victorian style of manner or
culture…he should not have asked for self ruling… Who could be better
than the Gora saab himself…
and gora saab has indeed left some glorious examples…. we would have
thrived under the british as honkong, singapore etc did.and in some
way u can say australia, Canada as well….

Orgasmic stuff!

Argument 1: If it weren’t for Islam, creation of Pakistan was a big
mistake.

OK, so far so good. If you are under the impression that you are
supporting Islam in this manner, it isn’t a very good advertisement
for the creation of Pakistan (for a full understanding of what I just
said, please re-read your last sentence).

Supporting premise (a):
if a commoner was suffering from so much low self-confidence…

Hmmm.

Which commoner is this?
How did you divine the fact that he suffered from low self-confidence?
I am sure you don’t meet many such in the course of your day.
Had you met him?
Did he confide in you?
Did he write a book (you were asking for proof, I seem to remember,
about Pakistan ka matlab kya)?
Do you know the name (of the book)?
The publisher?
Do you like brown rice? (that last has nothing to do with the very
valuable points you have raised, which we will no doubt get to hear
about once the proper interceptor is born, but I thought some
nutritional market research would not go amiss).

Supporting premise (b):
and was so impressed by that Victorian style of manner or culture…he
should not have asked for self ruling…

Some more Hmmm.

I just finished teaching a Communications course; mind if I dip into
your exercise book for their problems? There’s 90 marks in that, so
think how your English will live on even after you, in the minds and
souls of 180 students.

[sigh] Back to mundane stuff. I hate these interruptions.

The Victorian age ended in – what was it? very early in 1901, I think
– so whom were you referring to, as being impressed by ‘that’ (which?)
Victorian style of manner or culture?

With such a rich surfeit of information in front of us, all of it, I
am sure, capable of comprehension by normal human beings (those with
nine less heads than Ravana), I dare not put to you any further
questions: there is always the horrific thought that you might find
answers.

kabir
September 17, 2009 at 11:07 pm

@ Adnan,

You’re right. If Jinnah really wanted a secular state, there was no
need to divide India. Which is what leads me to think he advocated TNT
so that he could get his share of political power which he perhaps
would not have gotten in united India.

There’s a difference between demanding constitutional safeguards as a
minority and being willing to break your country if you don’t get
them.

bonobashi
September 18, 2009 at 12:46 am

@kabir

Obviously none of the preceding discussion, on other threads, for
example, has made the slightest impression on you. There’s a
difference between rock-ribbed integrity, shown in an unwillingness to
compromise, and being obtuse.

Let me run through the old, old story just once again;

1. that Jinnah wanted a secular state, which seems quite evident from
his utterings in his Congress phase, in his Muslim League phase and
after independence, in the brief time that he was allowed, is not
disproved by his wanting a different secular state, outside India,
because the historical evidence is that he never wanted it to be
outside India.

2. Until as late as 1946, he was fighting with a single-minded passion
for a ‘free’ area for the Muslims of India, preferably in the Muslim-
majority areas of the north-west and the east; in fact, he had
suggested that there be two such, still part of India, with the rest
of India constituting the third portion.

3. This was the central theme of his political programme until the
fateful days of July 1946, when the Cabinet Mission seemingly got an
agreement both from the Muslim League and the Congress for just such a
proposal.

4. Nehru, within a couple of days of this seeming consensus having
been achieved, announced that the Congress would recognise no bars on
the members of the Constituent Assembly, which was to be set up to
determine the future constitution of the country, still the undivided
country.

5. This obviously meant that the consensus was in fact no consensus,
and that the Congress had in effect announced that they were agreeable
at that point of time, in July 1946, but did not consider themselves
to be bound by that during the proceedings of the Constituent
Assembly.

6. Jinnah had snapped out a terse reply when questioned about his plan
B, and found to his disbelief that the Congress had actually boxed him
in, by refusing the plan that the Cabinet Mission had proposed, for
three distinct entities to be formed of British India, to be linked by
a few very vital central services. This plan B that he never expected
to have to take up, was partition.

7. It is clear that the preceding experience of working with the
Muslim League in coalition governments had made the Congress
leadership bitter about the Muslim League, and its leader, Jinnah.

8. Perhaps for this reason, that of frustration with their experience,
and of consequent unwillingness to work with the League in future; or
perhaps because of a suspected personal antipathy to Jinnah on the
part of Nehru, the Congress preferred partition to working together.

9. There is a host of evidence that this partition was not what Jinnah
had wanted, and the result was not the Pakistan he wanted, merely that
it was the Pakistan that he hoped against hope would keep in place in
spite of its manifest disadvantages.

I hope this helps. Please do try not to introduce repetitive and
completely exhausted topics into the discussions. Courtesy demands
that you do your homework before putting finger to key.

Bloody Civilian
September 18, 2009 at 1:51 am

YLH

re. the limo… the engine caught fire minutes after jinnah and
mountbatten had got off and walked away. i’m afraid i’ve completely
forgotten the origin of the story right now. i’ll try and dig it up.

D_a_n
September 18, 2009 at 2:35 am

@ Adnan

you produced the following nonsense:

‘All this as Junaid said Islam has a rather different approach towards
Non-Muslims, i wouldnt say harsh or ugly, but certainly not Equal to a
Muslim citizen!!’

fortunately numerous periods of Islamic history,especially when we
were at our peak are available to refute you and make you look like a
complete buffoon.

Now run back to your dr. Israr day care and quit stinking up this
forum. There are plenty of other places for you to spread yourhslf
truths and rubbish…you are a discredit to my deen and to your country.

D_a_n
September 18, 2009 at 2:39 am

@ kabir

Hun araam aei??

PS: your agreement with junaid is further proof of your self loathing.
You will agree with just about anything with thinking it through just
to make it fit your world view.

Junaid
September 18, 2009 at 5:32 am

The dilemma on this forum is itself a clear representation of the
cheap mentality of the Muslim Indian elite.

The Muslim Indian elite of pre-partition would quickly wear Islam on
their sleeves to justify the creation of another country for “safe
guarding” the interests of the community.

However, once the country is created, the elite quickly starting
fiddling the flute of secularism.

@D_A_N

Strong and bitter words indicate a weak cause.

The numerous periods of Islamic history you speak of are periods in
which Muslim rulers ruled but not necessarily using the Islam as the
source of their governance. For example Akbar etc.

So using those numerous periods in fact only weakens your own
argument.

D_a_n
September 18, 2009 at 6:05 am

@ junaid

oh really now?? And ofcourse I couldn’t really have been thinking of
anyone other than Akbar mind reader that you are.

Strong words? Weak cause? I suppose blanket statements born out if
personal issues or shades of ignorance make for stuff Nobel prized are
made off right?

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 6:06 am

Bonobashi,

Thank you for making those points. But about Kabir- he is not the kind
who has humility to accept that he might be wrong about something.

Junaid,

Unfortunately what you say doesn’t make any sense.

You should read Hamza Alavi’s “Pakistan and Islam: Ethnicity and
Identity”… It speaks of the Salariat (petty bourgeoisie) as being the
real impulse being the Pakistan movement. Hamza Alavi himself was
probably the leading Marxist historian and an authority.

The issue was that Jinnah atleast after having failed to convince his
Congress colleagues to concede residuary powers and reserved seats and
having failed to convince his Muslim co-religionists to give up
separate electorates thought that having two federations – one Muslim
majority and one Hindu majority (an idea that was already floating
around)- which would then come together as one confederation of India
or the model that EU later adopted. The whole thing was based on a
very reasonable legal assertion (which came out of the fact that there
were two Indias to begin with a. British b. Princely and a question of
how to bring these in a federation was discussed through out the 1930s
– Jinnah had advocating dissolving all of them at that time) that a
unitary center was a British creation.

If secularism is equality of citizenship, religious freedom, religion
as personal faith etc, Jinnah had maintained these to be fundamentals
of the new state through out the Pakistan movement.

Also may I suggest- as per your comments to Dan- that all your
comments are quite bitter. Perhaps a little more understanding and a
little more reading would do wonders.

Do read H M Seervai’s “Partition of India: Legend and Reality”. He was
not from the imaginary “muslim elite” that “created” Pakistan.

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 6:11 am

PS. The difference between rock rubbed integrity marked by an
unwillingness to compromise as opposed to being obtuse – I wish all of
us would know that difference, self included, and there would be
better discussions

Btw- Junaid mian : Bonobashi is not the Muslim elite here either. I do
hope you read his comments.

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 6:13 am

Erratum: That smiley is too cheery … I was going for a sadder more
sober smile.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 8:13 am

Bonoboshi,

I am aware of all the points you are making. Do not assume I am
ignorant, it’s condescending, and I refuse to accept condescending
behavior from anyone, not from YLH and not from you.

I accept everything you have said, but if Jinnah had truely wanted a
secular state he would never have propogated the divisive and
exclusionary Two Nation Theory. Hindus and Muslims were not two
“nations”. Everyone was Indian. There was no reason to propogate this
theory, unless it was a political ploy. That is all I’m saying.

There was never, and will never be, an excuse for vivisecting India.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 8:21 am

YLH:

I “don’t have humilty to accept when I’m wrong”? The pot is calling
the kettle black.

By the way, some googling shows how you were completely put in your
place over at Chapati Mystery. The commenter was right. Your attitude
towards Jinnah borders on hagiography– Jinnah is your khuda and rasul.
By insulting Gandhiji, you think you are doing Jinnah a service. You
are not an objective intellectual, and your pretense to be such is
beyond absurd.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 8:23 am

Dear Kabir,

Let me make it very clear. You are not only ignorant, but you are
incapable of logical thought, reason or ability to argue coherently.
Had it not been for the circumstances of your birth, you might as well
have been right next to another “K”, Kasab i.e. Amir Ajmal Kasab…

I had this opinion of you from the first day you interacted here. But
these gentlemen that you are now accusing of being condescending
towards you were the ones hellbent on giving you the benefit of
doubt.

Now either you “accept” everything Bonobashi has said or you “accept”
what you say subsequently. You can’t accept both at the same time.

As for your other post – about objectivity etc I did not claim. Nor
did I insult your precious Gandhiji here except point out the obvious
criticisms that everyone including Jaswant Singh and even Gandhi’s own
grandson accept. You have yet to show me through any coherent logical
argument how I am wrong.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 8:36 am

YLH:

I am posting a letter I wrote to you (it was intended for the other
thread, but I can’t comment there for some reason). It says what I
have to say in the fullest manner possible:

I may not be up on all the intricacies of the TNT, but I know that it
was used to divide rather than unite Indians. That is all I need to
know about it and that is why I can never support it. I cannot be in
favor of ideas that divide human beings from each other.

You say that it is ironic that I sing bhajans and yet I say that
“religious differences” don’t matter to me. Let me clarify that I do
not sing bhajans as a form of worship (though those that do so are
perfectly entitled to this). I sing them because they are an important
part of Hindustani Classical Music as well as some of the most
beautiful poetry written in the South Asian tradition—just take the
bhajans of Meerabai for example. I also sing Shabads and have won
prizes in several competitions, yet this does not make me a Sikh. I am
neither a practicing Muslim nor a “hindu wannabe” (unless in your
eyes, anyone who sings bhajans automatically becomes Hindu). If the
“hindu wannabe” quip is related to my name “Mohan”, this is the name
my parents gave me, in honor of none other than Mohandas Gandhi. My
brother is named Jawahar after Nehru.

As bonoboshi pointed out above, your attitude towards Jinnah borders
on hagiography. In your eyes, Jinnah can do no wrong. This is all I am
protesting against. Jinnah was a man and a politician just like
Gandhiji or Nehru. For the record, I do think Gandhiji made a mistake
in greeting Jinnah as “minority Muslim” and not as a fellow Gujrati
and Indian. But Gandhiji was only human, not god. That is my whole
point.

Anyway, I am tired of this debate. You and I have both made our
arguments, in the midst of a regrettable shouting match, and it seems
there is no chance of us meeting in the middle. So, for my part, I am
moving on.

Regards

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 8:52 am

Dear Kabir,

You’ve made no points. The points you make are established Indian
Nationalist mythology. Nothing else. What is worse is that it is also
Pakistani nationalist mythology as well (except that they view
positively what you view negatively). The truth is that the only time
TNT was used to “divide” instead of unite was when the Congress
cynically asked for Punjab and Bengal to be divided. According to
Majumdar it was a good thing.

Had you read Bonobashi’s points you would not be going in circles like
a twit. While I do not deny being a partisan of Jinnah… a Shia-ti-
Jinnah if you wish, can you point out where Bonobashi says that about
my “hagiography”. My admiration and defence of the man is based on
fact. It is not that I don’t accept criticism of him… indeed I have
criticised him myself but I reject the criticism you put up because
your criticism is based on a lack of knowledge, a lack of ability to
argue coherently and logically and as you admitted yourself – just
plain “emotion”.

And thanks for pointing out what your parents motivations were in
naming you what they did. Let me also say that in my view…
psychologically, these motivations cannot be described as “secular” in
the least. Now I think one can have a fuller picture of where you are
coming from. Like I said… had not been for the circumstances of your
birth you might well have been Kasab instead of Kabir given the little
thought you put in to strongly held positions.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 9:02 am

Bonoboshi mentioned that your views of Jinnah border on hagiography
over on the “masters of mutilation” thread:

the quote is: “Please give this unrelenting hagiography a break. Many
of us admire him; there is a growing wave of realisation of his
sterling worth; but to insist that it was he, in all seasons, and for
all issues the only one that counted, and the rest didn’t, reduces him
to figures of ridicule. That is really not called for.”

What’s not “secular” about someone naming their kids after two great
heroes of the Indian independence movement: Gandhiji and Panditji?
My parents wanted us to have South Asian and not Arab/Islamic names.
Our cultural heritage is South Asian and not Arab. You may disagree,
but these were thought through political positions, not arbitrary
decisions.

Namaste.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 9:07 am

“The truth is that the only time TNT was used to “divide” instead of
unite was when the Congress cynically asked for Punjab and Bengal to
be divided”

And this time counts for nothing? I would say it was the most crucial
time– this invocation of TNT resulting in millions fleeing their homes
and becoming refugees in the country meant for their particular
religion. My nana’s family was derailed by having to leave Amritsar,
and my dadi’s family was derailed from having to leave Agra, and
having to leave all their paintings, musicial instruments, etc behind.
See why I am so passionately opposed to TNT?

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 9:11 am

Kabir mian,

So you had to go all the way to the other thread to get the quote. You
said “above”. But that was in a context and that context has been
debated.

How about you begin to respond to Bonobashi’s points above instead of
wasting your time trying to associate with me positions that I don’t
hold? I have already divulged a bit on the great “independence”
struggle on the other board.
What your parents named you is of no consequence to me or this
discussion (you are only putting it up to earn brownie points now that
even Indians are beginning to call you out on your ignorance).

Frankly I am not sure that Arab etc debate has anything to do with it.
Your “namaste” is noted. Had I been from your ilk of fake
“secularists” I would have responded with a “namaste” or “sat sri
kaal”. But the question is have you ever seen me say “assalamualaikum”
or “salaam” either?

That is the difference between you and me… I am neither Turk Peshori
nor a Hindu… you are trying to be both.

Good Day, Ciao and Adios.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 9:38 am

And just to emphasize that point… this article was originally
published in the Dawn and is by a truly secular Indian Muslim … I
reproduce the relevant part here:

“In Lutyens’ Delhi the hub of India’s power dynamic the circus of
feasts will see robed clerics from diverse Islamic clusters getting
invited to the prime minister’s house to break bread.Government
ministers party leaders MPs power peddlers middlemen in a nutshell
everyone who lives by the 13 per cent Muslim vote in India or those
who need to flaunt their secularism will take turns to rustle up an
appetising Ramazan menu.Of course only a minority of India’s 150
million Muslims are mullahs and so a few of the less pious variety
would also be given a slot in the meandering queue to rub shoulders
with the high and mighty.

Had Jinnah had his way there would be no need for the pathetic lottery
of Ramazan invitations.There would be no need for the Justice Sachchar
Committee set up to investigate why Indian Muslims continue to be
economically and socially backward six decades after independence from
colonialism.In other words had there been no partition there would not
be a need for communally driven dinner invitations even though they
are usually claimed to strengthen secularism.Indians would be less
self consciously tolerant and eating or not eating with each other of
their free will in an India that Jinnah had dreamt of.Jaswant Singh
has been penalised for implicitly asserting this.

As a matter of fact Justice Sachchar offered remedies that reminded me
of the crisis once faced by the International Committee of the Red
Cross when its representatives visited prisons in the Himalayan
kingdom of Bhutan.They recommended hot water baths for the inmates
which startled the jail warden who hadn’t had the luxury of one in a
fortnight himself.There are of course no hard and fast rules in
this.Political power does not flow from the numerical superiority of a
community over another.The partition of 1947 wrote this in blood.As a
maverick college friend remarked in capitalism man exploits man and in
socialism it was the other way round.”

http://pakistanherald.com/Articles/Going-Jinnahand8217s-way-1918

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 9:45 am

“And this time counts for nothing? ”

But you and your brother are named after those who insisted on using
the TNT in such a fashion…. as per your own admission. You keep
abusing TNT and declaring that you are “passionately” against it …

Would it be fair then to abuse Hinduism because it was used by L K
Advani and the BJP to demolish Babri Masjid?

bonobashi
September 18, 2009 at 9:47 am

@Kabir

I want to say something at this point. Most of what you have argued is
based on emotion, not on fact. I quite understand that some of these
emotions are important in themselves, it is just that the atmosphere
here is heavily biased towards academic analysis. In these
discussions, it is a sine qua non to be well-versed in the basic
grammar and syntax; you must be on the same page. It becomes difficult
to interact with you because in doing so, judging from the exchanges
you have had with others, the matter becomes a sort of two sets of
people talking past each other, instead of to each other.

If you were to go into a headbangers’ ball and start singing Pete
Seeger numbers, I doubt that you would last very long.

That is more or less the situation here. You are using a language and
a vocabulary which are alien, even inimical to the purposes and
objectives of the analytical posts like this one. There are of course
others which are an intriguing amalgam of emotion and logic, and
nobody stops you from spreading out on those posts. As a pointer, hunt
out Bradistan Calling and his posts. Kinkminos is heady stuff, but it
may be wiser to wait a bit to savour his full offering.

You are free to ignore this completely.

Do not mistake this post. If people barge into these discussions, the
logical ones, the fact-based ones, there is so much damage caused that
there is a genuine case for employing bouncers. There has been some
’self-appointment’ recently; you venture into these without homework
done at your mortal peril.

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 10:49 am

Yasser mian,

indeed I have criticised him myself

Good Lord, you have actually criticised the J-man!!! Btw, what was the
point of criticism, if I may ask?

Regards

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 11:00 am

Heck… you even acknowledged it. Yeh kiya majumdar mian…

Well I criticised him for his ill-thought references to Islamic
principles of equality, fraternity and justice… while I feel – with a
lot of justification- that he was saying that the principles of
equality fraternity and justice which are universal secular principles
are compatible with Islam… his use of Islamic vocabulary- ambiguous as
it might have been – seems to have given the Islamists who hated him
and his idea of an inclusive secular Pakistan a way out.

I have also criticised him for emulating Gandhi’s methods on July 29,
1946 … by giving a call for civil disobedience i.e. Direct Action…
which was used against him ultimately and even though the British knew
the real story (Lord Wavell’s letter to Pethick Lawrence) they still
used it to force Jinnah to back down on 5:5:4 formula as well as his
demand that as per the CMP declaration the British ought to have made
the interim government without the Congress given Congress’ dubious
interpretation of the groupings clause.

I have also criticized him for appointing Ch. Muhammad Ali as the
“Cabinet Sec” … the latter censored Jinnah’s 11th August speech… and I
have criticized him for not writing a constitution and foisting it on
the constituent assembly instead of letting those fools deliberate.

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 11:24 am

Yasser,

his ill-thought references to Islamic principles

Curiously enuff I was about to write a mail to you on this based on
some stuff which was brought to my notice by some Islamist gentlemen I
respect very much.

One was a speech in Peshawar in 1946 about Pakistan being an Islamic
laboratory and the other his speech (one of his last ones) at the
opening of the SBP in Aug 1948.

Hopefully I shud be able to write in later on the 3 criticisms you
have levelled against Jinnah sahib and a couple of more of my own
later this day.

Regards

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 11:28 am

Also – the most poignant criticism of Jinnah should lie with his
acceptance of the June 3rd plan which only a day earlier he had
returned to Mountbatten as “your plan not mine”.

When MB had threatened him, he had replied “what must be must be”.

What happened then on June 3rd that he accepted such a crappy
mutilation as his Pakistan?

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 12:14 pm

The speech to the state bank refers to Islamic social justice … and as
such is problematic.

The laboratory wali speech is what I criticise mostly because it lends
itself to such dubious interpretation. What did he mean. He certainly
did not mean what the islamists want it to mean… And he was hardly
talking about the state and its legal system… He was talking about the
society, about Iqbalian idealism of Ijtehad etc- of reform and
rejuvenation of Islamic civilization.

But can one really blame the Mullah types for twisting it (after all
even the Congress twisted a far more straightforward “grouping” clause
to its advantage)? This is the great failure of Jinnah- Pakistan has
become the laboratory not of Islamic reform but of Islamic terror- not
of Islamic modernity but of Islamic orthodoxy thanks to Bhutto and
General Zia…the lab itself is on fire.

None of this ofcourse can in the least be argued as being the vision
that Jinnah gave. Jinnah’s vision for constitution and state as father
of the nation is that which he gave to the constituent assembly which
has no reference to Islam and is completely unambiguous.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 12:19 pm

@ YLH:

“Good day, Ciao, and Adios”– wow someone is a brown sahib wannabe.

I think you have a very confused idea of secularism. Using Namaste or
Salaam doesn’t make one into a Hindu or a Muslim. They are both
greetings that essentially mean the same thing– and it’s a good thing
in any case. Saying to someone “I bow to the divine in you” or “peace
be with you” are positive things– I don’t see why people have to
obsess about them.

@ bonoboshi,

With all due respect, you will note that on any thread I have
participated on I have always made logical, intellectual and non-
personal arguements, unless provoked by YLH, who has resorted to
attacking my father, my weight, my life choices, etc. So if you are
(justifiably) criticising me for giving in to emotion, please be non-
partial and criticise him as well for forgetting the rules of debate
and resorting to personal attacks.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 12:24 pm

YLH, my parents did not name my brother and I after Gandhiji and Nehru
because of their use of the TNT but because they were great heroes of
the Indian independence movement.

Incidently, even Jinnah’s father had a regular Gujrati name. It was
only because Jinnah was born in Karachi, and the kids in Karachi had
really obviously Muslim names that his parents named him Mohammad Ali
(this is referred to in Jaswant’s book).

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 12:56 pm

Also, say a Pakistani person really admires Nelson Mandela and his
fight against apartheid in South Africa. If this person then names his
son “Nelson” it doesn’t mean the kid is trying to be South African and
not Pakistani.

Logically, the same principle applies to a “Pakistani” kid named
Mohan. One can admire Gandhiji without being a “traitor” to Jinnah.
One can criticize and be against TNT, without being against Jinnah as
a person.

Is this so hard to understand?

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 1:08 pm

Yasser mian,

the most poignant criticism of Jinnah should lie with his acceptance
of the June 3rd plan

What exactly cud he have done about it? What were the alternative
courses of action, if any? And what wud have been the likely outcome?
If you can shed some light on this.

IMHO, he cud have done nothing else save enter United India on INC’s
terms and I will explain why?

Regards

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 1:12 pm

Kabir mian…

Think logically…

What does any of what you’ve written corresponds to the debate? Jinnah
was born Mahomedalli Jinnahbhai (not Muhammad Ali as you put it) like
a good Ismaili gujurati boy… it might come as a surprise to you but
Jinnah’s family use to this day Hindu Family Law as per Khoja
tradition. Having read both Jinnah’s life extensively and having read
the Succession Act of 1925, I didn’t need to read Jaswant Singh’s book
to know all this by the way but you can find it there as well.

Do you think I have a preference for Arab names? I am not even going
to answer such a preposterous presumption. Those who know me know that
I prefer Russian names..

As for namaste … salaam etc… I just don’t use it any religion-specific
greetings. I have no desire for wishing peace upon anyone or I sure as
hell don’t wanna bow down to the “divine” in you. I do use Khuda Hafiz
but that is only because recently the trend has become Allah Hafiz in
the subcontinent. Otherwise I am not possessed of any such desire
either.

“wow someone is a brown sahib wannabe”

What do you mean wannabe? I am simply someone who doesn’t have time to
be “ethnic” and sing “bhajjans” or say “Salaam/namaste” and other
incidental cultural hang-ups etc etc. If that makes me a brown sahib
then so be it. But there is no wannabe category unlike you.

“Confused idea of secularism”

Why? Because I don’t think running around calling yourself Mohan and
singing Bhajjans and buying wholesale the Indian Nationalist mythology
doesn’t make you secular?

I think you know who really has a confused idea of secularism… someone
who thinks that by ending his post on “Namaste” or “salaam” he becomes
secular…

What next? “Ishwar Allah tero naam” is a secular song?

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 1:21 pm

Yasser:

Ok, you’re not a brown sahib wannabe, you’re just a brown sahib. But I
am not a “hindu wannabe” either. I’m just myself and I’m very
comfortable in my own skin. I don’t “run around calling myself Mohan
in order to be secular”. I call myself Mohan simply because that is
the name my mother gave me. She officially changed it to Kabir only
because she was told that “Mohan” was not going to fly in the Islamic
Republic and she gave in to pressure. Even then she picked Kabir for a
reason– because it is a name common to both Hindus and Muslims, and
she wanted to make a point.

There is a still a note of condescension in your post “I don’t have
time to run around singing bhajans and being ethnic”. Is being ethnic
a contempible thing? No one’s saying you have to do it, but it is a
valid way of living one’s life.

And yes “Ishwar Allah tero naam” is a secular song, in the sense that
the philosophy behind it is that it doesn’t matter whether you call
god Ishwar, Allah, Ram, whatever– it’s still the same god. Like you
said in another context, secularism doesn’t necessarily mean
irreligiousness.

P.S. I too prefer Russian names (particularly Dmitri) and my family
insists on the use of “Khuda Hafiz” vs. “Allah Hafiz”. So you see, we
actually have quite a bit in common:)

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 1:21 pm

“What exactly cud he have done about it?”

Jinnah could’ve told MB and Nehru to take a hike on the morning of
June 3rd.

“What were the alternative courses of action, if any?”

he should have made contact with the half naked fakir and his Mullah
sidekick telling them that they needed to grow up and take a clear
stance … Furthermore, he should have re-entered into negotiations with
the Sikh leadership and should have used the draft of June 3rd plan to
scare the shit out of them… this way he could make a broadbased
alliance with the rest of minorities and then non-cooperate with the
Congress … in every possible way. The League was already in the
interim government … and had already taught Congress a lesson.

“And what wud have been the likely outcome? If you can shed some light
on this.”

The negotiations would have re-opened. Congress would have to
ultimately accept the grouping clause….

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 1:30 pm

“Is being ethnic a contempible thing?”

Yes- especially when you clearly a mummy daddy burger family kind
trying to take it up as a fad or to be congratulated for “Slumdog
Millionaire”.

“And yes “Ishwar Allah tero naam” is a secular song, in the sense that
the philosophy behind it is that it doesn’t matter whether you call
god Ishwar, Allah, Ram, whatever”

WRONG! God itself is a non-secular concept – which doesn’t mean a
believer can’t be secular but when expresses this belief in politics
it becomes non-secular. Even if this song had been as benign as you
say it was… it would still be non-secular. However… the second verse
makes it not just non-secular but positively majoritarian
communalist.

“– it’s still the same god.”

I can’t comment on fictitious characters.

“Like you said in another context, secularism doesn’t necessarily mean
irreligiousness.”

Once again… your reading comprehension comes in the way. What I did
say was that secularism does not equate to irreligiousity … which
basically meant that a person can be religious in personal life but so
long as he doesn’t go about bringing his belief between him and his
public tasks he is secular. I did not mean – in the least- that such
crass attempt at superficial unity as “ishwar allah tero naam” is a
secular song. It is NOT.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 1:32 pm

Saying Ishwar Allah tero naam is a secular song is like saying
“Intelligent Design” is a scientific theory.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 1:36 pm

“And the reason I insist on saying Khuda Hafiz is entirely different
from what I can imagine is your reason”

My reason is that I don’t want to be exclusionary and I’m making a
point against Islamization and Sunnification. “Khuda” includes more
people, while “Allah” is specifically Islamic. Is that different from
your reason?

I agree with you that secularism means a person can be a believer in
his or her personal life but it shouldn’t make a difference in the
public sphere. But I disagree that “superficial attempts at unity”
aren’t important as well.

“You are a mummy daddy burger type”. I’m trying to patch up our
differences, why do still insist on being insulting? And no, I have
not taken up being “ethnic” as a fad. I have always been raised to be
very proud of my culture– of Urdu, shalwar kameez, Hindustani
classical music, ghazals, desi khana, etc. Please, it’s not a fad,
it’s a huge part of who I am. It’s why I want to pursue South Asian
Studies at a higher level, it’s why I engage on Indian and Pakistani
blogs as opposed to American one’s. You don’t know me well enough to
make such a judgement.

Regards

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 1:40 pm

“I can’t comment on fictitious characters”– well that’s what we
English and Drama types do all the time, we talk and debate about
Othello and Iago, Romeo and Hamlet, as if they were real people:) I do
agree with you that the god of the Bible and the Koran is a literary
character though, but that doesn’t mean he can’t hold meaning in
people’s lives.

That remark reminded me of Pervez Hoodbhoy, who is a dear family
friend, and who’s daughter recently commented to me over dinner that
“abba is a secular fundamentalist”, I guess the description applies
equally well to you:)

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 1:50 pm

‘“Khuda” includes more people, while “Allah” is specifically Islamic.
Is that different from your reason? ‘

Yes. My reason is simply that it was in usage for centuries and even
the most puritan Mullah said Khuda Hafiz. Now suddenly … Muslims all
over South Asia have decided against it… thus inventing “Allah Hafiz”…
for example I don’t have a problem with people using “Allah Bailly” or
“Rub Rakha” or the Bosnian “Ilahi imanat”… or even the “fe-iman-
allah”… so it is really not about including and excluding people since
I think a “Good bye” or a “farewell” or a “Ciao” are much better and
appropriate expressions for parting of ways.

Now I have to work… so I’ll talk to you later.

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 1:52 pm

Yasser,

he should have made contact with the half naked fakir and his Mullah
sidekick … The League was already in the interim government … and had
already taught Congress a lesson.

You don’t notice the contradiction. AIML-INC friction in the Govt had
convinced JLN and SVP that it was time to ask AIML and the Muslim
provinces to take a hike. Had the half-naked fakir and his Mullah
sidekick tried to object, the Pandit and the Sardar wud have each
taken a danda and shoved up it up their a***es. Like they did to Kiran
Roy and Sarat Bose.

Furthermore, he should have re-entered into negotiations with the Sikh
leadership, and should have used the draft of June 3rd plan to scare
the shit out of them

Bhaijan, the Sardarjis are far more intelligent than you give credit
for, certainly far more than the East Bong Hindoo a-holes. And they
had a truly visionary and patriotic leader in Master Tara Singh. They
knew pretty much what Muslim Raj meant and had already decided what
was needed to be done.

Regards

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 2:16 pm

Like Jinnah pointed out in a different context … no part of the Empire
could be kicked out involuntarily.

I think Jinnah was tired and dying… had he been two years younger, he
would have gone back to the drawing board and he would have won.

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 2:25 pm

Yasser,

Assuming Jinnah sahib was younger. Still he wud have been left with
only two options-

1. Accept the motheaten Pakistan.

2. Join United India on INC’s (read JLN-SVP duo)terms and conditions
with the distant hope that he wud be able to cobble together a grand
anti-INC coalition.

And if you think #2 was a valid option, do let me point out I can only
tell you that AIML wudnt have been spoilt for allies. Master Tara
Singh had openly declared war on AIML and do read up on BRA’s magnum
opus and the comments he made about AIML’s top leadership and even
Muslims in general (they wud make some khaki chaddis blush). OTOH, INC
wud have gone fishing for allies among the AIML waters.

Regards

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 2:38 pm

There was a third option… The option to force Congress to agree on the
Groupings clause.

It would have required moral courage on part of the British… and
perhaps that was what was lacking for Mountbatten.

Perhaps had Wavell n0t been fired in Feb.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 2:39 pm

PS: BRA also said Jinnah was the right man to lead a minorities
coalition.

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 2:48 pm

YLH,

The option to force Congress to agree on the Groupings clause.

Neither side cud have been forced to agree on anything. INC cudn’t
have been forced to accpet grouping no more than AIML cud have been
forced to accept a United India on INC’s terms and conditions. In any
case, the moment the Brits wud have left, INC wud have denounced the
CMP-46 and declared that grouping was no longer acceptable to it. This
is precisely the reason MAJ (pbuh) realised that June 3 plan was the
best that AIML cud have.

BRA also said Jinnah was the right man to lead a minorities coalition.

I also suggest you read Chapter 11 of BRA’s book which is available on
the Net.

By 1946 he was more or less of the view that India was better off
without its Muslims. That Partition along with partition of Bengal and
Punjab was the best thing. Possibly with a complete exchange of
population (something which even the Hindutvists never insisted upon)

Regards

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 2:54 pm

Well… in so far as the first part is concerned…. I don’t think the
Congress could have forced the League and the Muslim majority
provinces to leave… just like the League could not be forced to accept
United India on INC’s terms.

Things would have led to an impasse. What was so wrong with the
groupings clause… don’t you think INC would have backed off from the
brink of civil war? Or do you think they were convinced they could
defeat the Muslim majority provinces.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 3:08 pm

Yasser,

Regarding the question of greetings. Even “goodbye” which you prefer
is a shortened and much contracted form of “god be with you”, thus not
substantively very different from “khuda hafiz”.

karun4
September 18, 2009 at 3:11 pm

@kabir

There are only two types of mind in this world:

the greek mind ( cold calculated and rational)
the indian mind ( mystical contradictory(often truth lies in
contradiction) and intuitive)

there is no meeting point for them.

So stop arguing and be at peace. I appreciate your ethos and your
character. Keep up the good work!!!

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 3:16 pm

@ karun,

I guess one could say I have the Indian mind:). I take it as a
compliment:). We should chat off of PTH sometime.

karun4
September 18, 2009 at 3:23 pm

sure yes indeed you have a beautiful indian mind.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 3:32 pm

Kabir…

Did you read this article over on your own website?

http://thesouthasianidea.wordpress.com/2009/03/22/jinnah-nehru-and-the-ironies-of-history/

Not so much as why… but just as a record… this article is brilliant. I
don’t know who wrote it… but perhaps if you were to apply your mind to
your own website instead of fighting with me you’d grow up a little.

Stop chatting with people like Karun4. Karun Varun whats the
difference…

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 3:34 pm

Also the origin of Goodbye might be in God be with you… but Good was
later substituted for God.

But now that you’ve enlightened me on that … I’ll use “so long”.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 3:36 pm

And for the record I’d prefer the Greek mind over an Indian one any
day …. based on Karun 4’s Definition …an Indian mind is clearly a
nutcase and nothing else.

Even the great Ramanujan was a Greek by that postulation.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 3:38 pm

Yasser,

That article you are complimenting was written by my father, Mir Anjum
Altaf, who goes by the name “South Asian”. Perhaps you want to tell
him how brilliant you found his article?

I have no problem with Karun. One can never have too many friends, it
doesn’t mean you have to agree on everything:)

Yeah I guess “goodbye” is out then… “so long” “farwell” “auf
widershen” are all good though… now I’m thinking of the sound of music

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 3:42 pm

@ Karun,

what’s the best way to get in touch with you? Facebook?

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 3:46 pm

@ Yasser,

To quote from the “brilliant” article:

“Did Jinnah never see that there was a world outside the courtroom,
that the forces that had been unleashed by the politics of separation
would never allow the situation to go back to what it was, no matter
what he wished or desired? It seems not.”

This is essentially the question I’ve been asking, though not in the
best way. How could a secularist like Jinnah not realize what damage
invoking TNT would do? If he did realize the damage, why did he
continue to invoke “the politics of seperation?”

Regards

yasserlatifhamdani
September 18, 2009 at 3:58 pm

Well I took that as a question that needed answering… but you would
know better… in any event much of that question I have answered above.
The TNT that he invoked was not separatist.

Let me quote some excerpts:

Two remarkable statements made around the time of the partition of
British India continue to intrigue me:

Here is Mohammad Ali Jinnah, addressing the Constituent Assembly of
Pakistan in August 1947:

You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go
to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of
Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has
nothing to do with the business of the State.

And here is Jawaharlal Nehru, writing to Chief Ministers of provinces
in India in October 1947, pointing out that there remained, within
India,

a Muslim minority who are so large in numbers that they cannot, even
if they want, go anywhere else. That is a basic fact about which there
can be no argument. Whatever the provocation from Pakistan and
whatever the indignities and horrors inflicted on non-Muslims there,
we have got to deal with this minority in a civilized manner. We must
give them security and the rights of citizens in a democratic State.

How can we read these two statements given the history of which they
were a part?

What intrigues me about them is the following:

Here was Jinnah, who had spent the previous twenty years arguing that
Muslims and Hindus were separate nations, so completely different from
each other that they could not live together. And here he was, on the
creation of the country based on that logic of difference, saying all
of you can now live together as equal citizens with equal rights.

And here was Nehru, who had spent the same period of time arguing the
secular perspective that everyone was an equal citizen regardless of
religion or ethnicity, still thinking in terms of minorities as
special groups who needed to be dealt with in a civilized manner and
given the rights of citizens.

I would have expected Jinnah to say something along these lines: I
know it is going to be very difficult but we must now find a way to
live together. And I would have expected Nehru to send out an
unequivocal signal: We are all Indians now; there are no more
majorities and minorities here

….I would argue that Jinnah’s innate values were secular. He belonged
to a minority trading community from Gujarat where getting along with
others was essential to survival and success. It is clear that Jinnah
could never have believed from the outset that Hindus and Muslims were
so intrinsically different that they could not live together. Had that
been the case he could not have been the leading ambassador of Hindu-
Muslim unity till the 1920s.

It was something in the politics of the situation that must have
convinced him that Hindus and Muslims could not live together in a
constitutional arrangement in British India that would be acceptable
to both communities. Based on that conviction (here we are not
concerned whether that conviction was right or wrong) he fought his
case and won. And once he won, and walked out of the courtroom,
metaphorically speaking, the political imperatives for him disappeared
and he became the secular Jinnah that he always was

But we can now push this psychological analysis further and note the
complexity of the interplay between the beliefs inherited at birth and
the convictions that are inculcated and sustained through intellectual
endeavor…..

Without the political imperatives that changed Jinnah’s beliefs, his
descendants are avowedly secular. And without the intellectual rigor
that characterized Nehru, his descendants are slipping back towards
prejudice.


That something was the failure of Congress to accomodate other points
of view in 1927-1930, 1937-1938 and 1946…

Your repetitive denunciation of the TNT as some how you can change
history makes it harder for you to understand this it seems.

A small correction: By the way Jinnah first used the word “nation” for
Muslims in 1940. It is therefore wrong to say that he was of this view
for the “last 20 years”.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 5:08 pm

Yasser:

I realize that it was the politics of the situation that led to
Partition. I always said that Congress and the British had a role in
events as well. I’m not some rabid Jinnah-hater, even if in the heat
of the moment I came across as such.

I don’t think I can change history (how can I, a small person like
myself?). The TNT just gets to me in a visceral sense. I can’t stand
any ideas which divide people on the basis of religion, caste,
ethnicity, whatever. I wish Jinnah hadn’t felt compelled to use such
rhetoric. After people had been divided along communal lines, how did
he reasonably expect India/Pakistan to have a friendly relationship
with each other? That’s why dad’s article is called “the ironies of
history”.

Regards

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 5:17 pm

Now we are getting somewhere. Read my position carefully:

it is not that I am in love with divisive rhetoric but my view is that
once it was accepted that there was a Hindu community and a Muslim
community the journey from community to nation was merely linguistic …
with certain constitutional implication.

The self identification as Hindu and Muslim started happening some
time before Jinnah’s and Gandhi’s time. And for Jinnah – the
realization that he was a minority Muslim was almost entirely thanks
to Gandhi.

So TNT itself is not the divisive idea – infact it sought to bring
together through a form of consociationalism that which was already
divided.
So your zeal is misdirected.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 5:30 pm

I know that self-identification as Muslim and Hindu occured before
Jinnah and Gandhi. As my dad has argued on his blog, it began with the
introduction of seperate electorates and the competition for political
resources.

Maybe i just expected better from Jinnah than invoking a theory which
could even potentially be divisive and exclusionary. I’m not fond of
Gandhiji’s khilafat movement, but I admire his strategies of civil
disobedience such as the Salt March. What strikes me as ironic though
is if Jinnah faulted Gandhiji for introducing religion into politics,
why did he turn around and start mixing the two himself?

aiimsonian 09
September 18, 2009 at 5:50 pm

kabir, you are cool, man!

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 5:55 pm

Thanks aiimsonian:)

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 6:49 pm

Let me attempt an critique of the great man. I will first begin with
the four charges that YLH had laid at MAJ (pbuh)’s door.

#1 Emphasising the Islamic ideology in his campaign esp in 1940-47

His speech at Peshawar ’46 (Islamic laboratory) and his speech at SBP
opening ceremony among others can be used to suggest that he was in
favour of an Islamic model. And yet there are indicators to the
contrary too. His 8/11 speech may yet be explained by Islamists as
something that is something that is not necessarily in contravention
of Islamic ideals. But there is no explaining the fact that when some
senior Leaguers led by Mahmudabad tried to pass a resolution that wud
have bound AIML to an Islamic state he used his influence to have that
resolution scuppered which led to the said gentleman quitting the
League.

So did he want as Islamic state or did he not?

While we can’t really answer that question based on evidence alone
there are two things that need to be kept in mind.

One, that the Muslims of India were not really a homogenous people, in
fact the Indus Valley Mussalman, the Hindustani Musalman and the
Bengali Mussalman had completely different POVs and there was no
option but to invoke Islam to keep the three strands in one party.

Two, that he never foresaw that Islam cud be hijacked by cavemen to
enslave non-Muslims as well as Muslims. Just like Gandhiji’s
supporters do not see Ram Rajya as a theocratic state to oppress non-
Hindoos.

Verdict: At the net level, the invocations to Islam during 1940-47,
although inevitable, were not in the best interest of Indian Muslims.

#2 Direct Action Day

This cannot really be faulted in as far as that you can’t really call
mass action an evil thing as Bono da has pointed out. In any case, MAJ
resorted to DA only after trying out more constitutional methods for
40 years. Besides, DAD was not meant to be a call to arms, although
the speeches and utterances of some of the second tier Leaguers and
the conduct of Suharwardy as Bengal CM leave a lot to be desired.

Verdict: In short MAJ cant really be blamed for DAD, although he can
be blamed for failing to maintain discipline down the ranks.

#3 Ch Muhammad Ali and delayed Constitution of Pakistan

Dunno much about the Choudhari dude so can’t comment. As far as the
Constt of Pakistan was concerned, let’s not forget that India with far
superior intellectual resources too over 2 years to frame a Constt.
And let us not forget Pakistan’s crazy geography and demography. As to
how MAJ possibly cud have framed a Constt in 1 year of which for half
he was practically in “ek paon kabr mein” mode is beyond me. Besides,
Constts have to be adopted by free will it cannot be imposed from
above.

Verdict: Not guilty

#4 Accepting the June 3 Plan

As I have argued earlier, there was nothing that MAJ cud have done
about it. Maybe Yasser can join me in a set of “What ifs”

Now my two cribs.

#1 The Princely States fiasco

Unfortunately this has already been discussed threadbare on another
topic and the positions of all the principal combatants on PTH is
already clear. There is no point in ukharoing gade murdey.

#2 The Sikandar- Jinnah Pact

MAJ and AIML did become the Sole Spokesman for Muslims at the Centre
but there was a huge price to be paid- handing over the Punjab League
to the feudals incl a large chunk of ex-Unionists. And ultimately it
was the Punjabi feudal not Murdoodi (who was possibly a tool of the
competing factions of the Punjab League) who destroyed Jinnah’s
Pakistan.

But again one may argue that this was a necessary evil- without taking
the Punjabi feudal-pir class there was no way AIML wud have gained
Punjab and there wud have been no Pakistan either.

Regards

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 6:51 pm

Well if you’ve gotten to these questions you should read more and you
will find the answers yourself.

aiimsonian/koschan/karun (one person mind you) is not worth your time.
So stop getting inflated.

Read Bonobashi’s post. Apply your mind to it. Forget me – I have never
hidden my partisanship… My objectives for debate are entirely
subjective though I always remain factual. Read a balanced view –
you’ll learn from it.

koschan
September 18, 2009 at 7:05 pm

arre, i am not karun……….i am aiimsonian, koschan and different opinion
because my different pcs have different nicknames.

koschan
September 18, 2009 at 7:07 pm

aiimsonian/koschan/karun (one person mind you) is not worth your time.
———————————–
So condescending!!!!In any case, i also dont have much time to waste.I
should get back to my books.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 7:12 pm

Yasser,

I’m not getting inflated. People are nice to me and I’m nice to them
back. I would love to have more friends in Delhi that’s all:)

Koschan, contact me off of PTH. My email is my name “kabir altaf” (one
word) at hotmail.

Hayyer
September 18, 2009 at 7:31 pm

“Furthermore, he should have re-entered into negotiations with the
Sikh leadership, and should have used the draft of June 3rd plan to
scare the shit out of them”
Reminds me of that old joke; a group of Khalistanis got together to
brainstorm on how to achieve their goal. One bright spark came up with
an idea. ‘Lets declare war on America’ he suggested. Then after we
lose they’ll be forced to aid us as they always aid the countries
they’ve defeated. This splendid notion was almost carried, till one
delegate remarked woefully, ‘That is all very well, but what happens
if we win.’

On that speculative note let me ask something equally speculative.We
have discussed on PTH often enough how Congress could have eventually
obtained, a la Noorani, what it now has, and Pakistan and Bangladesh
to boot in a confederation, if it had accepted the CMP-But suppose
Jinnah had reverted to his old argument of the 14 points or even the
formula that the Agha Khan suggested at the second round table
conference which Gandhi approved but could not carry with his
colleagues.

Yes it would have been a tectonic shift from the politics of the last
ten years, and the Muslim masses may have felt let down but it would
have been attainable.

AZW
September 18, 2009 at 7:44 pm

This is a fascinating discussion Majumdar and Yasser.

It is quite difficult for us to imagine in the waning months of 2009,
what Jinnah was facing in the turbulent years of 1946 and1947. The
fallacy that comes up again and again against Jinnah in carving up the
India always ignores the obstinate behaviour of Indian National
Congress and its leadership. I believe in the prior years, we were too
close to the atrocious events post partition and scholarly research
was conveniently replaced by emotional and religious themed slogans.
This was tragically true, especially in Pakistan, where the religious
right simply could not get around the idea of Muslim Nationalism.

Since 1980s, we have trickles of dispassionate analysis of the events
preceding partition, and I believe it is a matter of time before this
trickle turns into a torrent. Two factors will greatly help this
transition:

1) In Pakistan, where religion was always experimented with the state
by religious minded leaders, as well as so called leftist leaders, the
experiment has predictably gone horribly wrong. After having front row
seats to the Taliban debacle and the carnage this group and its more
mainstream, allies, Pakistanis are beginning to do something that was
never practiced at a grand scale before: an honest introspection. Pak
Tea House is not a liberal outlier that seeks to discuss the folly of
mixing religion with the Pakistani state. Various mainstream
electronic and print media have started airing views more openly that
were a minority voice in the wilderness before

2) In India, the economic prosperity has increasingly made clear to
their leadership that political and geographical uncertainty is the
biggest obstacle to the economic growth going forward. A destabilized
Pakistan is overwhelmingly against Indian interests. Coupled with the
economic growth is the latitude now afforded to an average Indian
where nationalistic dogmas do not overwhelm him or her as say 30 years
ago

Kabir:

May I suggest something here: More often than not, people sit back and
pass verdicts on historical figures based on the convictions embedded
in their minds since their childhood, or through drawing room
conversations. Jinnah is not an infallible historical figure. And no
one is saying that the Two Nation Theory should not be critically
discussed. However before passing judgement on him, read of the
situation that Jinnah faced 62 years back. Read Ayesha Jalal’s The
Sole Spokesman, read Seervai’s Partition of India; Legend and Reality,
or Alex Von Tunzelman’s “The Indian Summer”. Heck, read Majumdar’s
arguments in this thread to get even the tiniest sense of the
complexity of leading the disparate union of the entity in India that
we call “Indian Muslims”.

History happens not be design. History is a reaction to events. Was
United India a better option? If Indian National Congress had not been
jolted out of its heavy handed ways it showed since 1937, India may
have been a violent and fractured nation. I give full credit to Nehru
for putting India on a secular roadway; however his actions before the
partition, and his handiwork in Kashmir problem continues to haunt us
still.

Rather than keep passing judgements, analyze history, appreciate it as
a nuanced sequence of events and work to make the future history a
much better read. No one here thinks Jinnah was beyond reproach.
However his personal integrity and his leadership skills in leading
the “Indian Muslim” make me appreciate him a lot more as I grow
older.

Why I appreciate Majumdar, Bono Bashis, YLH, Bloody Civilian, Raza and
so many more people here is not because I know them personally. It is
because they rise above their creeds and environments to look
dispassionately at the history, realize the mistakes, and go against
the conventional wisdom and the prevalent thinking to advocate a
society that will not have the prejudices that tore us apart, and keep
widening the gulf between us.

Regards,

Adnann

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 7:52 pm

Adnann, I agree with you. I have read scholarly sources. I took a
course at LUMS called “Literature of Conflict” which was all about
Partition. Additionally I took a course exploring the anthropology of
ethnicity and nationalism. I have also made my way though Jaswant
Singh’s entire 600 page book. So I’m not speaking out of ignorance.
Yes, I let YLH rile me up and make me emotional– I take full
responsibility for that. But you must keep in mind that he attacked my
person, my family, my career, etc… all of which is outside the norms
of reasoned debate.

My disagreement with YLH is only that I feel is sort of an apologist
for Jinnah. I agree with you that all politicians are falliable and
all are human.

Regards

Kabir

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 7:59 pm

Kabir,

My disagreement with YLH is only that I feel is sort of an apologist
for Jinnah.

Yasser has at least laid four serious charges against MAJ (pbuh) by my
reckoning at least.

Regards

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 8:05 pm

What is this pbuh thing? Jinnah was not the prophet Muhammad– i think
pbuh is only meant to be used for prophets.

Turning a politician into a prophet is what I call being an apologist.
Our do you also put pbuh after Nehru and Gandhiji’s names?

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 8:07 pm

Kabir bhai,

First of all I am not a Muslim so I am not bound to use pbuh only for
those whom Muslims deign this honour.

Btw, if Moses who liberated a handful of Yahoods can be called pbuh
why not Jinnah sahib who liberated 65 million Muslims.

Regards

Majumdar
September 18, 2009 at 8:08 pm

No sir I dont put pbuh behind Gandhi or Nehru- in fact I call them by
the vilest of names on chowk but not here as this is a bhadralok
forum.

Regards

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 8:10 pm

Majumdar,

You too are a Jinnah apologist then, having turned him into a prophet.
I can’t argue with you people.

Jinnah, Nehru, and Gandhiji were all people, not prophets or gods.
They should be judged as such.

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 8:12 pm

Btw, Gandhiji was the father of the Indian nation, I don’t understand
how you– an Indian– can call him bad names.

I am not fond of Jinnah, but I don’t call him foul names, either.

Namaste

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 8:24 pm

Dear Majumdar,

Just to qualify – Jinnah was quite clear about the kind of state he
wanted. However by using Islamic vocabulary- few and far between- he
gave the Mullahs a way to pull the rug from under him.

Jinnah’s idea of statehood was :

1. Rule of law

2. Equality of citizenship

3. Freedom of religion and conscience.

4. Sovereignty resting with the people.

5. Religion as personal faith of an individual and state’s
impartiality towards it.

6. No bars on the basis of religion, caste or any other distinction.

This was a constant. However by making these statements (the Islamic
principles etc) few and far between – a total of a dozen references
spread over 7 years – Jinnah himself inadvertently dug a grave for his
secular vision.

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 8:29 pm

Kabir mian,

You are a rather strange fellow…

Do you think it is rational to distinguish between the prophets and
other human beings?

Have you only recently learned the word “apologist”?

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 8:32 pm

Yasser:

My dear, I have actually known the word “apologist” for a very long
time.

Btw, I don’t believe in prophets, I just don’t believe in giving
politicians exalted status

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 8:43 pm

On the issue of princely states- Jinnah’s position was a
constitutional one (without going into Kashmir which we’ve discussed).
It was Jinnah who had suggested absorption of Princely States into
British India at the roundtable conferences…had that proposal been
accepted there would have been no issue to begin with.

Sikandar-Jinnah Pact was absolutely necessary to give Jinnah
representative capacity. Infact many would argue that it was the joint
Muslim League communist move against the Khizer govt on the basis of
communist thesis of the right of determination of “muslim
nationalities” that partitioned Punjab.

I think it was the post 1946 Unionist defection to the League that
changed the character of the Muslim League from a salariat petty
bourgeoisie party to a feudal dominated party in Punjab.

YLH
September 18, 2009 at 8:52 pm

Kabir,

You do have an Indian mind as per the definition given by Karun.

Unfortunately it is not meant as a compliment. Neither to you nor to
the word “Indian”…apologies to Majumdar, Bonobashi and others.

There is no reason to discuss anything any further when almost
everyone has failed to reason with you.

I thank everyone for trying to make this fellow see some light.

Hayyer
September 18, 2009 at 9:23 pm

Kabir:
Father of the Nation is a term that the Indian Government gave Gandhi.
It is not written in law and therefore not binding on Indians.

Gandhi’s greatness lies in his eccentricities. He was attempting
something novel in a twentieth century world. He was trying to fashion
modern government, incorporating his own version of religion and
politics as an essential component of economic and administrative
theory. ‘I am truly a Mahatma’ he exclaimed to one of his nieces a few
days before he died.

Jinnah, a truly enlightened modern leader was driven into what he
eventually did by the obfuscation of Gandhi and the obtuseness of
Nehru. Nehru what ever his achievements after 1947 certainly turned a
deaf ear to Muslims as long as Jinnah was speaking for them. He did
call the AIML a communal body forgetting that the Congress had long
accommodated communal view points of Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus.

After putting Congress on the defensive in the forties Jinnah had it
in his power to compromise on terms that would have been acceptable to
him a decade ago, but by then he was in an understanding with the
British.

When they no longer needed him they cut bait and ran and he was stuck
with an attitude that led to a moth eaten Pakistan.

I agree with the core of your belief however. There is a South Asian
identity, variegated though it is. Even the Pathans while involved
with central Asia and Iran have had their fingers in the Indian pie
for as long as anyone can remember. All of North India’s history at
the very least is tied up one way or another with Pathans. Large
numbers of North Indian Muslims have ethnic connections to the
Pathans. That is not going to disappear.

It is the contention of some that there is no India, that it is a
geographical expression and so forth. The country does exist, it is
politically speaking, older than Pakistan by at least 100 years. The
Indian identity is probably more amorphous than the Pakistani one, but
I imagine, less tenuous.
Modern India has much to thank Nehru for; secularism, democracy and
the rule of law (arbitrary as it is), but all Indians do not see
themselves as acolytes of Nehru and Gandhi. Most of us are quite happy
with our regional identities about which Nehru was confused and which
led to the mess on Kashmir. Gandhi of course was not above using his
Gujratiness to woo Jinnah when he felt he needed to.
I have visited your site. It is refreshing in its inclusiveness. We
have our Ganpat Rams as you have yours. Don’t let them discourage you.

koschan
September 18, 2009 at 9:50 pm

Jinnah, a truly enlightened modern leader was driven into what he
eventually did by the obfuscation of Gandhi and the obtuseness of
Nehru. Nehru what ever his achievements after 1947 certainly turned a
deaf ear to Muslims as long as Jinnah was speaking for them.
————————————
hayyer, you really need to read mani shankar ’s review of jaswant
singh’s.
People such as you, majumdar and jaswant singh seem to have a huge
personal grudge against nehru and gandhiji. Gandhiji is the father of
nation for me and for most of the indians , irrespective of your
biased opinion.He may have introduced religion into politics but his
religiosity was benedictory ,inclusive and certainly not
fundamentalist.He quoted equally well from koran and bible as he did
from geeta and the atheist’s guide to salvation.Did he not save
thousands of lives in kolkata during the midnight hr?
from an oxfordian like you, i expect a more nuanced interpretation of
gandhiji’s actions.Kritgan…………..

koschan
September 18, 2009 at 10:02 pm

hayyer , 2 ‘koschans’
if gandhiji had as many faults as you want us to believe , why do the
Nobel Committe members regret that they did not give the NP to
gandhiji in 1948 or before?How do you compare His Holiness the Dalai
Lama to jinnah and gandhiji?

kabir
September 18, 2009 at 10:26 pm

Yasser,

What did I say? Just that I don’t believe politicans should be treated
like prophets or gods. What is there in that to fill you with bile? I
quite enjoy people’s attempts to make me “see the light” as if I’m
some poor heathen that needs to be converted, so do go ahead if you
please:)

Hayyer:
I agree with you. All I have been trying to say is that there is a
“South Asian” identity and it is valid. No disrespect to anyone who
wishes to call themselves Pakistani or whatever.

By the way, TSAI is not my blog, but my father’s:)

Kabir

bonobashi
September 18, 2009 at 10:36 pm

@koschan

Nobody needs to read anybody’s review of anybody else’s book; the
facts are clear before us, and while there is every justification for
listening to someone else’s point of view, or for reading a well-
written piece in spite of disagreeing with it in essence, we don’t
need the prosthetics (that’s a medical term, and you will come across
it very soon, if you stop wasting your time on PTH and attend to your
studies) provided by a Congress ‘apologist’ (Kabir, please tell me
where to send you your royalty payment).

I sincerely wish, really, truly wish that you would stop reacting from
your glands and hormones and instead start reacting from your gray
matter.

I don’t think Hayyer has a grudge against anybody; it isn’t apparent
from his writing, and it is a mystery where you got that impression.
If you have read Majumdar, you will have noticed, unless you are quite
dense, that he has a sharp mind, perhaps the sharpest next to YLH, but
is also handicapped by a sense of humour, which among other side-
effects doesn’t allow him to take himself seriously. What sort of
grudge do you think he’ll bear? Nothing very weighty, I should
imagine. Not being as well acquainted with Jaswant Singh as you seem
to be (you Delhi people have all the luck), I can’t comment on your
third anti-hero.

There is not much proof that people are reacting from a sense of
having been wronged, or from a vindictive mind-set. I don’t see the
grudges; maybe they’ve been flying around and never came to earth.

We have to deal with your heart-on-the-sleeves emotions, however;
specifically your formulation that Gandhi happens to be father of the
nation to you and to most other Indians, irrespective of the biased
opinion of this coterie that you have just named.

This sort of turbo-charged emotion is always suspect, I think; genuine
emotion would not be so demonstrative and oriented towards display.
But on the other hand, let us assume that Gandhi is our common beloved
father of the nation.

Would you go on from this premise to say that he was unblemished, in
all respects? Assume for a moment that you are given two knowledge of
history tablets tomorrow morning, and they work with instant speed.
Assume that you become aware of, say a marginal number of things that
Gandhi did sinfully, or negligently. Would you still proceed to defend
G in so robust a manner, or rather, in as unquestioning a manner as
before? If you would not, please take out a piece of paper, and figure
out how you and those you have just pilloried differ from each other.

bonobashi
September 18, 2009 at 10:50 pm

@YLH

Yasser, with your permission, I shall break into poetry: the
successive vast blows struck by our Sir Galahad have now brought my
already enfeebled and rapidly aging mind to its knees. Prose will no
longer contain my emotions; poetry it is then:

Beside yon straggling fence that skirts the way
With blossom’d furze unprofitably gay,
There, in his noisy mansion, skill’d to rule,
The village master taught his little school;
A man severe he was, and stern to view,
I knew him well, and every truant knew;
Well had the boding tremblers learn’d to trace
The days disasters in his morning face;
Full well they laugh’d with counterfeited glee,
At all his jokes, for many a joke had he:
Full well the busy whisper, circling round,
Convey’d the dismal tidings when he frown’d:
Yet he was kind; or if severe in aught,
The love he bore to learning was in fault.
The village all declar’d how much he knew;
‘Twas certain he could write, and cipher too:
Lands he could measure, terms and tides presage,
And e’en the story ran that he could gauge.
In arguing too, the parson own’d his skill…………

and here I shall beg leave to depart, and leave it as an exercise to
you, gentle reader, to complete these lines. They are obviously, from
their polish and styled elegance, not mine.

koschan
September 18, 2009 at 10:55 pm

OK, Bonobashi
1. Its been three years since i have heard the term prosthetics .

2.i am not overreacting but sometimes when gandhibashing and
nehrubashing gets supramaximal at pth, i cannot prevent myself from
defending them.I stand by my observation that Hayyer and majumdars are
two of the most unrelenting cynics i have come across.

3. Yes, i havealmost wasted seven hrs on the net today (meri chuttiyan
chal rahi hain).Seven precious hrs………seven hrs that have been
uselessly spent. seven hrs that i could have devoted to ganong’s
physiology.Big mistake.

karun
September 18, 2009 at 11:30 pm

Raza Uncle : SOS

things spinning out of control. Pls take charge….

Hayyer
September 18, 2009 at 11:40 pm

Koschan:
Did it occur to you that the Congress is cleverer than the BJP.
Jaswant Singh’s book could have devastated the Congress. Instead, the
BJP committed hara-kiri and the Congress quietly smirks.

Mani Shankar Iyer is a disgrace, an ex communist from Cambridge, a fan
of China in the 62 war transformed into a Rajiv Gandhi groupie on a
Doon School connection, and then a votary of Panchayati Raj of which
he had little understanding. He is a leading sycophant of the Nehru
family and you expect his reviews of a book criticizing Nehru to be be
authentic?

Mani Shanker Iyer is out of favour these days. He may be seeking re-
entry into the inner circles by hack reviews. His brother Swaminathan
Iyer is the more authentic writer.

Hayyer
September 19, 2009 at 12:01 am

Opinion is free. There is no law against admiring Gandhi just as there
is none against criticizing him. Father of the nation? Nothing that he
did brought about the nation.

When Jinnah wrote to him in 1938 asking for his intercession against
the obduracy of people like Nehru, his reply was ….”I wish I could do
something but I am utterly helpless…….I see no daylight out of the
impenetrable darkness, and in such distress I cry to God for light”
How evasive!

But in 1944 Gandhi could take the trouble to go to Bombay and spend
two weeks trying to return Jinnah to the path of the 30s.

The reason the British left is that they just could not hold on after
the war. They lacked the troops, the resources the will. Before the
war they were thought they would stay for the forseeable future.

The Quit India movement is what enabled Jinnah and the League in the
absence of the Congress to build up their organization. It was
Gandhi’s doing, (though not Nehru’s). Gandhi was afraid of Bose who
had allied himself with the Axis powers and travelled to Germany.
Gandhi thought he could retain the initiative that way. Instead he
paved the way for partition.

The father of the nation is the Indian Constitution. Little of Gandhi
fortunately is to be found there.

I am not an ‘Oxfordian’ by the way, though I did spend an academic
year at that University as a visiting fellow.

Hayyer
September 19, 2009 at 12:04 am

Erratum, last line fourth para. “Before the war they thought they
would stay for the foreseeable future”.

bonobashi
September 19, 2009 at 7:03 am

@YLH

I’ve been fulminating about Karun’s idiotic remark about Greek and
Indian minds since he wrote it.

This is arrant rubbish. We are not a nation of Lobsang Rampas. There
is not a single theme in public or private life which justifies
Karun’s comment. It is not clear where he’s coming from.

It doesn’t feel insulting when you refer to this classification of
minds – classification of minds!!! – because the whole thing,
referring to Karun’s original comment, constitutes my first WTF moment
on PTH.

YLH
September 19, 2009 at 8:10 am

Dear Bonobashi,

Given that India produced so many “greek” minds, I don’t think it is a
fair classification either. Besides Indian here would denote the
erstwhile British/Mughal conceptions of the entire subcontinent… One
could say that the classification that is being referred to as the
“Indian” brain/mind may loosely apply to many many many Pakistanis.

Junaid
September 19, 2009 at 11:38 am

Also, say a Pakistani person really admires Nelson Mandela and his
fight against apartheid in South Africa. If this person then names his
son “Nelson” it doesn’t mean the kid is trying to be South African and
not Pakistani.

Logically, the same principle applies to a “Pakistani” kid named
Mohan. One can admire Gandhiji without being a “traitor” to Jinnah.
One can criticize and be against TNT, without being against Jinnah as
a person.

Is this so hard to understand?

Great words Kabir.

You have very well worded what I was trying to put forward.

kabir
September 19, 2009 at 12:08 pm

Thanks Junaid, I try, though it is an up-hill battle.

D_a_n
September 19, 2009 at 12:24 pm

@kabir

the worlds tiniest violin is playing just for you….(sniffle)

yasserlatifhamdani
September 19, 2009 at 12:24 pm

Only now do I understand the classic saying “khawajay ka gawah
tattoo”.

Gentlemen – Kabir and Junaid- you are fighting ghosts that don’t exist
on this website.

All both of you have done so far is make strawman fallacies unrelated
to the
arguments at hand.

Grow up.

Bloody Civilian
September 20, 2009 at 3:15 am

unad hum jins ba hum jins parwaaz

kabir

oops! that’s persian.. there goes my claim to be indian!

from claiming pathans are not indian, i see you’ve flipped and flopped
till you have gone a full 180deg. starting from the ‘divisive’
exclusion of pathans from india.. i see you now consider them indian.
indeed you claim the whole of pakistan to be culturally indian. i
presume you consider pathans to be part of pakistan.. till you say
otherwise. you even consider PMA to be ‘ethnically indian’.. without
bothering to find out whether he indeed is a non-pathan. so your
‘argument’ continues to evolve, albeit as per chaos theory.

it may or may not have occurred to you that hardly any one here has
attacked you for your views or had any problem whatsoever with your
right to hold any view when it comes to your own identity. what might
not have occurred to you either is that many here, some indians
included, do not believe that claiming pakistani identity precludes
one from claiming the indian one. rejecting pakistani idenity is not a
pre-requisite. it’s just a right which you are free to exercise. as
for the india v south asia debate… even PMA has made it clear that he
does not deny pakistan’s east… he just emphasises that there also is a
west.

other than that, you have been accusing pakistanis of talibanism,
religiosity and being under the illusion that they are arabs. which
one of the regulars here at PTH do you accuse of any of that? wouldn’t
these blanket accusation from high above be better directed at some
other blogs.. rather than PTH? yet, isn’ tit ironic that you’ve been
lapping up praise from those pakistanis who have – post after post
here – proven that they are much of all that you cite as reasons to
reject pakistani identity for yourself. while the indian counterpart
has been the kind who have stated that they look forward to war with
pakistan.

those debating you here are not as interested in opinions as they are
in facts and analyses. the objection here has been to you stating
views, ad nauseum and not with brevity, without feeling the need to
back them up with any facts… let alone a coherent and consistent
argument. your indian-pathan ‘argument’ has been a depressing case
study. while you ignore challenges to your facts, when you have quoted
something which is simply not true, as per your own convenience.

so you claimed 8 out of 37 years to be “most of” faiz’s life. you
conveniently ignored the challenge. you have told us many times that
you are “fighting” for your right to define your own identity.
wonderful. but as they say in yours and mine beloved punjab: “such
bolna adhhi larrai ae”

or you can use this post too as nothing more than an excuse to merrily
carry on with your monologue pretending to be a dialogue.

regards

Bloody Civilian
September 20, 2009 at 3:43 am

btw, the reverse also is true of course, ie. claiming indian (the
present day nation state) identity does not preclude any one from
their ‘pakistani’ heritage or even identity. but identity of course is
a personal choice, while heritage is a fact – whether historical,
cultural or (typically) both.

it might come as a surprise to you, but those trying, in vain, to have
a (healthy) debate with you also believe their human identity to be
the most important of them all. all other identities are less
important. why i say “in vain”, i’ve already explained in my previous
post. what you and YLH engaged in for a good number of consecutive
posts was, for all its entertainment value, not a (healthy) debate. so
i’m not talking of that.

you are called kabir for a thoughtful reason, you say. i’m sure he was
and is popular not just for his ideas. there was more to it than just
his views and opinions, repeated ad nauseum.

returning to identities other than insaniyat… as shah hussain put it

naa’o'n hussainoo
qaum jullaha…
….. jo main haa
so main haa

bonobashi
September 20, 2009 at 5:08 am

@Bloody Civilian

I was waiting for a reaction, any reaction from Kabir to write to him
somewhat in your fashion. ‘Somewhat’ because you have put matters with
such felicity that I can’t see where to take away a word, or indeed,
where to add a word.

Thank you for expressing my feelings so well; I am sure these are the
feelings of many others also.

Your comment also invokes the spirit of this blog so, so well. RR
could pay you and use your words as an introduction.

kabir
September 20, 2009 at 6:47 am

BC:

No one has attacked me for my views? Where have you been man? YLH has
called me “self loathing”, implied i’m a “traitor” to the Pakistani
cause, derisively referred to me as a “bhajan singer” as if that is a
contempible identity and that is all I am (I’m not a great lawyer but
a poor performing artist). You don’t expect me to defend myself
against that?

My argument has always been consistant. I have the right to call
myself Hindustani without anyone deciding that I’m “self loathing” or
a traitor. The rest of you are free to call yourselves Pakistanis or
greater timbuktooans, I really don’t care. PMA sahib is free to deny
that the term “South Asia” exists, despite it’s recognized use as a
concept in academia and the real world.

As for the “indian vs. pathan” argument, you are taking it out of
context. I am no one to decide people’s national identity for them,
but national identity and ethnic identity are not necessarily the
same. As I wrote to YLH on the other thread, I don’t relate to Pathans
simply because I haven’t spent time in NWFP and don’t speak their
language. By contrast, I’ve spent a lot of time in Punjab, understand
Punjabi, like Punjabi poetry, Punjabi khana, etc. It’s a reflection on
me and not on some inalienable truth.

Sorry about the “most” of Faiz’s life, but 8 years in prison or exile
is still pretty significant. I stand by my point that Pakistan wasn’t
much good for Faiz sahab.

Regards

Bloody Civilian
September 21, 2009 at 5:00 am

bonobashi

someone like me can only learn from PTH.

i hope we can establish a dialogue with our friend kabir and develop
the discussion with him on his interesting views and ideas.

Bloody Civilian
September 21, 2009 at 5:06 am

bhai kabir

No one has attacked me for my views?

do argue that YLH is hardly “hardly anyone”.. if you wish, but kindly
do not misread/misquote me. and do go ahead, regardless, and tell me/
us what YLH did or did not do.. but please do acknowledge the fact
that i’ve clearly and more than once excluded your debate with YLH
from those trying “in vain”. otherwise, we just end up talking across
each other rather than to each other… yet again.

As for the “indian vs. pathan” argument, you are taking it out of
context

now had you deigned to respond to rather than ignore my questions
about the puktunwalist bacha khan or your fictitious contemporary
kabir mohan khan of peshawar… perhaps i, and several others who have
stated their bewliderment, would not have ‘taken it out of context’.

The rest of you are free to call yourselves Pakistanis or greater
timbuktooans

… but not hindustanis? not unless we forfeit pakistaniat?

you claim identity to be subjective, and to be a personal choice. but
then you bring in mr tharoor as evidence in support of your
‘argument’… with his ‘legal definition’ of indian identity. don’t you
see that mr tharoor’s criterion is at least irrelevant to your claim,
and largely redundant (who in south asia does not have grandparents
born in united india??), if not actually going against the very grain
of your claim? how is yours a consistent argument then? how does a
subjective, personal choice involve having to petition the high court
in delhi?

you claim that you do not relate to the pakistani identity (whatever
that is, as you keep reminding us) nor the islamic identity.. and then
you bring in, rather unnecessarily, IMHO, the fact that you are
irritated by having to explain to people that you’re not an islamic
fundo or worse…. so you choose to say that you’re indian ‘which, in
any case, is not a lie’. why confuse the more fundamental issue??

the difference between identity and stereotyping is that the former is
your own definition of your identity, as per right, where there is
virtually no right or wrong definition, while the latter is other
people’s (wrong) definition of your identity. when other people do not
have a right to define your identity for you. now correcting/attacking
a stereotype is something anyone, even a third party, could (and
perhaps should) do.

as for faiz, any time in jail and exile is significant indeed. but so
are the 29 years he spent in pakistan.. including time serving his
country and his people. spending time in jail and having to go in to
self-imposed exile does not mean that faiz, of all people, would agree
with you that his country was no good for him. just to quote an
example.. what is it that has kept aung san suu kyi under continuing
house arrest, away from her family, for a significant part of her life
other than a small bunch of thugs and her love for her country and her
people?

regards

Bloody Civilian
September 21, 2009 at 5:15 am

correction:

“but so are the 29 years he spent in pakistan..”… as a free citizen

kabir
September 21, 2009 at 6:32 am

BC:

1) Not just YLH, but also D_a_n accused me on being “self loathing”
which I find extremely condescending. Bonoboshi proceeded to inform me
of facts which I already know, which is also condescending. Why do you
people think that the facts demand that a person can only think a
certain way? Facts are open to interpretation, and I interpret them
differently than some people here, because I can never be pro the
creation of Pakistan, or accept the use of religious rhetroic or TNT.
I think the creation of a country for “Muslims” was by far the
stupidist most ridiculous thing on the planet. The fact that Bharat
had to be vivisected to get it just makes it worse.

2) You people are free to call yourselves “pakistanis”, greater
timbuktooans, or hindustanis, whatever you want— no skin of my back.

3) It’s not my job to constantly correct stereotypes. I never want to
talk about Taliban, Islamic fundemantlism, or in fact Islam of any
kind ever again. Those are not issues I’m interested in. I’m content
to focus on my ethnic, rather than “national” identity, sing my
bhajans and khayals, and discuss larger South Asian, “Hindustani”
issues as opposed to muslim issues. I’m only interested in “Pakistan”
because it forms part of South Asia, and events here influence events
in Bharat– such as the terrorism that Pak loves to export. I also have
family that lives here, and of course, I care about them. But
politically, and ideologically, I don’t and can never identify with an
“Islamic Republic”

Regards

kabir
September 21, 2009 at 6:36 am

Also, I care about the people of “Pakistan”, the poor, innocent, non
mullahs who are “muslims” but not bothered by what anyone else is. I
was talking to my driver about this recently and i said to him that we
are all actually Indian and there is no difference between Lahoris or
Amritaris and it is horrible the way a line was drawn dividing our
Punjab. He agreed with me totally. It’s ironic that a village boy who
hasn’t even finished high school has more sense than some of you more
“educated” Pakistanis.

kabir
September 21, 2009 at 6:38 am

Erratum: Amritsaris

yasserlatifhamdani
September 21, 2009 at 10:23 am

“I was talking to my driver recently”

We’ve gone through this discussion many times. I am not going to
repeat what Jinnah said and how partition of Punjab was not our idea.
Such arguments are too fine for the philistines like yourself.

Thanks for quoting your driver as a trump card. I’d rather not quote
the famous Ghalib-mango joke because I fear compulsions of another
kind at play … I can well understand how your driver might be willing
to agree with you…

Now that we have that out of the way… may I please request that you
address Bloody Civilian’s comments?

yasserlatifhamdani
September 21, 2009 at 10:24 am
or Bonobashi’s… for that matter.

PMA
September 21, 2009 at 10:24 am
BC: No I am not MIA. I have followed this thread from the start. I
have not said anything because I have nothing new to say. I have taken
a position on the use of various geographic terms because of their
descriptive limitations vis-a-vis Pakistan. I am in realization of the
evolution of the terms such as ‘Hind’, ‘Sub-continent’, Pak-o-Hind,
and now ‘South Asia’. In true sense non of these terms strictly donate
a precise political entity like a country or a continent does. These
are roughly defined regional descriptions first used by the
academicians and politicos and then adopted by commons without much
realization. I am not sure if Kabir himself understands his own
interpretation of the terms ‘South Asia’ and ‘India’. Therefore it has
been difficult and frustrating to have a meaningful discussion with
him on this subject. About YLH. Well, he thinks that the arbitrarily
drawn Durand line is the western limit of ‘South Asia’. He often
refers to Jinnah’s Pakistan not realizing that the internal dynamics
of post 1971 Pakistan are not same as Jinnah’s Pakistan of 1947.

Before independence the commonly used term was ‘Indian Sub-continent’.
Where is western boundary of this ‘Sub-continent’? The boundary set by
the British or the boundary set by the Mughals? If so then which
boundary? That of 1947, 1879, 1707 0r 1524? It is obvious that there
could be no universal agreement on that. After 1947 the term ‘Pak-o-
Hind’ was in use. Then after 1971 it became ‘South Asia’. There are
those in Pakistan located west of Indus who do not consider their
areas as ‘India’ or ‘South Asia’. Then in the interest of being
inclusive and developing a common Pakistani identity why not to drop
the use of such vague terms? In the environment of current provincial
and regional dissatisfaction, why not to adapt a national narrative
more closely representing the entire nation? This is something for all
Pakistanis to think about.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 21, 2009 at 10:26 am
Bloody civilian,

This little twit (kabir) doesn’t even have the capacity to understand
what you’ve written.

Well argued sir. It is an irony that this fool keeps going in circles
thinking that he is “rebutting” you. He is re-butt-butt-buttin out of
himself.

yasserlatifhamdani
September 21, 2009 at 10:36 am
PMA,

To me “geography” is as imagined an idea as a “nation”. This is why I
don’t agree or disagree with your view on South-Central Asia … to me a
legal nation state and legally defined national identity and national
origin – like Modern Pakistan or Modern India- is the basic building
block.

Here my only concern has been the foolishness shown by Kabir… who by
the way has already conceded that your South Central Asian conception
for Pakistan … and in doing so has blown up his own “Indian
ethnicity” (ethnicity is yet another imagined idea given the
intermingling of all various ethnicities)…

I wonder where Bloody civilian falls in all of this … hailing from a
royal and proud pushtun tribe (sorry if this is divulging too much)
speaking Pushto, Punjabi, Urdu and English with equal ease…

yasserlatifhamdani
September 21, 2009 at 10:45 am

Also…. Kabir mian says that his view of Pushtun as being alien is
because he doesn’t understand the Pushtun language… i.e. Pushtu…

Does he understand Sindhi? Or Gujurati ? or Marathi? or Tamil? or
Bengali? or Kanada? or Telegu?

Interestingly… Pakistan’s four provinces have rather interesting
meeting points:

Hindko exists on the border of Punjab and NWFP … Hindko can be
understood by both Punjabis and Pushtuns… Pushtuns and Balochs
understand and converse with each other in Balochi, Pushto and Farsi…

If you go South… Balochs and Sindhis share many common tribes.. for
example is Brohi a Sindhi or a Baloch tribe? Between Sindhi and
Balochi exists a language called “Brahvi” which is either an ancestor
or a derivative of both languages in my view… and between Sindh and
Punjab exists large tracts of Seraiki which is understood by both
Sindhis and Punjabis…

Pakistan’s unique federalism and linguistic pluralism is entirely
interlinked…. if only we were to give it a chance.

Raza Rumi
September 21, 2009 at 11:41 am

Kabir. Please stop it now. Add something more here. You are a bright
young man and bring fresh pieces of information, research and opinions
here. Your views on identity are respected even if many do not
subscribe to them.

YLH: Let us close this issue. We have to, at the end of the day,
respect what people think of themselves and how they want to be known
and perceived.

It should not be an issue if Kabir metaphorically calls himself an
‘Indian’ or Tibetian…

yasserlatifhamdani
September 21, 2009 at 12:19 pm

Dear Raza,

I completely agree.

None of those who Kabir has argued with have disputed his right to
whatever identity he wants to associate with. He can claim to be a
Martian for all I care. It is his attitude towards those who don’t
agree with his blanket statements that I have taken an issue with.

Bloody Civilian
September 21, 2009 at 3:10 pm

PMA

This is something for all Pakistanis to think about.

i’ve little desire, on a day-to-day basis, to take focus away from
this issue of real and practical importance. mindful of the diversity
and linkages YLH has alluded to above, i believe democracy and its
continuing evolution, from whatever beginnings, no matter how slow and
frustrating, is the only answer. an expanded/inclusive consultative
process of government and policy making is the only hope and way
forward. ‘nek badshahs’ will not work here.. no matter how nek(esp not
of the uniformed variety. not least since the uniform is not seen as
truly representative of this diversity).

the only other issue comparable in importance and urgency is the
fundamentalist threat and the need to defeat religiosity and leave no
room for it in public life.

Bloody Civilian
September 21, 2009 at 6:14 pm

kabir

re. your post of September 21, 2009 at 6:32 am

1) Facts are open to interpretation

really? ok, ok.. i won’t complain about it being ‘condescending’ that
you’re telling me the basics that a 12-year old ought to know …

…i would rather use the time to try and learn something more
substantial from a discussion with you.

in order to be valid, the interpretation has to be put across
coherently and argued with a high degree of consistency. of course the
facts have to be a) correct, b) complete, not partial and c) (which is
linked to b)) not taken entirely out of context. that’s all.

2) You people are free to call yourselves…

i know. it’s just that you end up, knowingly or unknowingly, again and
again, giving the impression like ‘we’ are not. i suspect it is
because your ‘interpretation’ of facts, perhaps, tend to be more
declaratory than explanatory.

btw, who are ‘we’?

3) It’s not my job to constantly correct stereotypes.

you choose, of course. if you re-read my point, it is about the fact
that the fundamental principle is that identity is a choice totally
internal to you and who you and only you feel you are… hence the
subjectivity. it has and should have nothing to do with what others
say or claim. why go off on a tangent talking of the desire to avoid
being stereotyped… is all i was asking… and dilute your argument,
unnecessarily.

please note that i’ve tried to limit my response strictly to your
single post above. mainly in an attempt to explain better where i
might have failed in my earlier post. i’ve no cause to dispute your
identity, whatsoever. i’ve stated that enough times. indeed, if you
wish to challenge anything within the lines above, please do so by all
means. but then, after that, perhaps we should agree to continue this
discussion, if at all, another day another place.

best regards

PMA
September 21, 2009 at 7:00 pm

“to me a legal nation state and legally defined national identity and
national origin – like Modern Pakistan or Modern India- is the basic
building block.”

I agree with YLH on that point. A Modern Pakistan, all inclusive where
each citizen is fully and equally vested regardless of his/her
religion and ethnicity. His review of linguistic and ethnic demography
of Pakistan is very informative. Unfortunately many on this site are
either not informed about it or refuse to take that into account. The
future of Pakistan lies in bringing its diversities toward a common
all-inclusive national narrative. The vague concepts of ‘South Asian’
or ‘Indian’ Sub-continent will not do it for us. Our common narrative
must be ‘Pakistan’.

I also agree with BC when he says: “I believe democracy and its
continuing evolution, from whatever beginnings, no matter how slow and
frustrating, is the only answer. An expanded/inclusive consultative
process of government and policy making is the only hope and way
forward.”

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-23 23:36:57 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/business-news/india/Embrace-Islam-say-YouTube-Shankaracharyas/Article1-457328.aspx

Embrace Islam, say YouTube ‘Shankaracharyas’

Anuraag Singh, Hindustan Times

Varanasi, September 23, 2009

First Published: 23:28 IST(23/9/2009)
Last Updated: 01:18 IST(24/9/2009)

The likely successor to the Shankaracharya of northern and western
India is very angry at popular web portal YouTube showing video clips
of two ‘fake’ Shankaracharyas, one of who exhorts viewers to embrace
Islam and the other explains why he converted to Islam.

He is so enraged that he has decided to seek the intervention of
President Pratibha Patil and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh “on this
burning issue”.

“We’re also seeking the opinion of experts to proceed legally against
the web portal for featuring these video clips which are bound to hurt
Hindu sentiments across the world,” Swami Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati
of the Jyotishpeeth and Shardapeeth told HT here on Wednesday.

The clips show one of the men dressed in a red robe and the other clad
in white pyjamas and sleeveless half-coat, sporting a skull cap and
thin beard.

One clip (of 9.20 minutes) shows an old man holding the signature
stick of the first Shankaracharya going by the name and title of
‘Devanand Saraswati, Jagatguru Shankaracharya’.

He tells a gathering in Hindi that Islam is the greatest religion in
the world and that the first verse of the Quran should motivate Hindus
to convert to Islam. The man calls upon the whole world to adopt
Islam, adding that those against Islam are devils. “I don’t love those
who don’t love Muslims,” he says in the clip.

The second clip of over four minutes shows a young man going by the
name of ‘Acharya Sanjay Prasad Dwivedi-turned-Ahmed Pandit’ and
bearing the title of the ‘Varanasi Shankar Acharya (sic)’.

This man says in Hindi that he was a Hindu priest in Varanasi who
delved deep into the study of the Quran for three years and converted
to Islam. Strangely, he is shown speaking at a gathering with a banner
reading ‘Health Ministry’ behind him.

Swami Avimukteshwaranand said the two men are frauds as Hindus all
over the world recognise only three Shankaracharyas who head the four
peeths or religious centres established by the first or Adi
Shankaracharya in 500 BC.

The four peeths were set up by him at Joshi Mutt in Uttarakhand, Puri
in Orissa, Sringeri in Karnataka and Dwarka in Gujarat. The first
Shankaracharya propounded the Advaita Vedanta philosophy of Sanatan
Dharma, one of the main streams of Hinduism.

Swami Avimukteshwaranand is to likely to succeed Swami Swarupanand
Saraswati as the the Shankaracharya of the religious centres called
the Jyotishpeeth and Shardapeeth, which are located in Uttarakhand and
Gujarat.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-24 10:26:20 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/world/us/At-UN-Gaddafi-drops-K-bomb/articleshow/5048981.cms

At UN, Gaddafi drops K-bomb
Chidanand Rajghatta, TNN 24 September 2009, 01:57am IST

WASHINGTON: Libya’s maverick leader Muammar Gaddafi tossed a minor
diplomatic grenade at New Delhi from the United Nations podium, saying
Kashmir
should be an independent buffer state between India and Pakistan.
( Watch Video )

In an exhausting 90-minute speech Gaddafi spoke about the political
and diplomatic history of the world in the last half century in his
first ever appearance at the UN.

Most of Gaddafi’s rant was aimed at US and the western world, although
he did not spare others, including the UN Security Council. At one
point, he even blamed India and Japan for robbing Somalia of its
fishing wealth, forcing Somalis to take up piracy.

Gaddafi reeled off the various excesses of the big powers, calling for
reform of the security council. “It should not be called the Security
Council, it should be called the ‘terror council’,” he said.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 19:43:50 UTC
Permalink
http://www.defence.pk/forums/india-defence/35188-missing-action-general-no-1-a.html

Missing in action: General No 1

Reforms have a way of coming in late. No wonder then that a decade
after the Kargil conflict exposed deep fissures within the military
top brass,
some critical lessons, especially on the need for a single-point
advice structure, and by extension a General Number 1, are yet to be
learnt. It doesn't help that the Army, Navy and IAF do not see eye-to-
eye on this. Compounding matters is the smugness of a bureaucracy
happy with the status quo even as it exercises a vice-like grip on the
armed forces in the name of "civilian control''. The political
leadership, in turn, remains apathetic about genuine reforms in the
country's higher defense management.

Gen No 1 is missing. Strategic experts, who feel it is time India had
a chief of defense staff (CDS), say it's a crying shame. The CDS, they
say, can pitch in not only with a much-needed single line of advice to
the government but manage the country's nuclear arsenal and resolve
inter-service doctrinal, policy and operational issues as it brings
about "jointness'' and synergy among the three services.

Both the previous NDA regime and the present UPA government have used
the pretext of "evolving a political consensus'' to keep the CDS post
in cold storage. The 1999 Kargil war could have been a turning point
for the country to settle the CDS debate, but that went by too. It's
no secret that the then Army chief, Gen V P Malik, and IAF chief air
chief marshal A Y Tipnis squabbled bitterly over the conduct of
operations to evict Pakistani intruders from Kargil's peaks.

If Malik accused Tipnis of being reluctant to use airpower during the
early days of the conflict, the latter claimed that an "embarrassed"
Army was initially reluctant "to reveal the full gravity" of the
situation to the government. Not surprisingly, the subsequent Kargil
Review Committee, headed by strategic-affairs analyst K Subrahmanyam,
and the high-powered Group of Ministers (GoM) led by L K Advani
recommended sweeping systemic changes in the entire defense
establishment.

The GoM report — Reforming the National Security System — underlined
the need to have a CDS because it felt the functioning of the existing
chiefs of staff committee, comprising the three service heads,
"revealed serious weakness in its ability to provide single-point
military advice to the government''.

The "dichotomy of command'' remains a glaring problem to this day.
This when modern-day warfare demands integrated all-arms operations
under a single structure to achieve swift decisive victories. Many of
the GoM recommendations — like the creation of integrated defense
staff, tri-service Andaman and Nicobar Command, Defense Intelligence
Agency and Strategic Forces Command — have indeed taken shape. But
successive governments have steadfastly ignored the all-important CDS
post.

When defense minister A K Antony told Parliament in August this year
that he had initiated moves to consult various national-level
political parties way back in March 2006 and that "so far, six parties
have responded'', he was merely stating the obvious and going down the
beaten track.

A senior officer smirked, "This has been the standard answer for
several years now. In the absence of a CDS, the unified structures
established after the Kargil war are like headless chickens, running
here and there without achieving much. Even the operational command in
A&N Islands is floundering.''

Another officer added, "As national security advisors, first Brajesh
Mishra and now M K Narayanan have virtually usurped the role to become
a super-CDS. Don't forget, their post comes with the responsibility of
heading the executive council of the two-tier Nuclear Command
Authority. With the CDS lynchpin missing, defense reforms since Kargil
have been half-baked at best.''

While all this is certainly true, inter-service rivalry, with each
keen to guard its own turf, has been a major stumbling block. No chief
wants to lose command of his own service, that too at crunch hour. The
Navy, under the leadership of chiefs like admiral Arun Prakash, has
however, intermittently pushed for a CDS post. Not the Army and IAF
though.

IAF, for instance, has long thought of itself as the only natural
custodian of nuclear weapons. Moreover, it would not like a general or
admiral as CDS to wield control over what it holds to be a highly
technical force. "Army and Navy lack air-mindedness,'' said a senior
IAF officer rather summarily. The Army, the largest service with over
one million troops, nurses its own ambition to monopolise the CDS
position.

The good part, though, is that consensus seems to be building, slowly
but surely, even as the services continue to squabble among themselves
over things like acquisition of helicopters and air defense weapons.
"There should be a CDS to crack the whip, to reconcile and prioritise
equipment and budgetary demands of the three services,'' said a
serving vice-admiral. "In fact, the CDS should be a five-star general
with clear-cut authority over the four-star chiefs, not just a first
among equals. And he should have direct access to the PM.''

Around 70 countries, including France, Germany, UK and US, have a CDS-
like structure. It's time, many say, India had one.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 19:47:11 UTC
Permalink
http://www.cbnews1.info/bjp-back-to-hindu-agenda-as-advani-harps-on-ayodhya-temple-issue/37125.html

BJP back to Hindu agenda as Advani harps on Ayodhya temple issue

Saturday, September 26, 2009 at 2:09 am under World News Buzz up!BJP
back to Hindu agenda as Advani harps on Ayodhya temple issue

Giving cue to where the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is headed after
its debacle in national polls in April-May, senior leader Lal Krishna
Advani on Friday brought the controversial Ayodhya temple issue back
on the centrestage.

The BJP has appeared largely directionless after a massive election
defeat in May, its problems further compounded after some senior party
leaders began attacking each other.

The party has been debating its future — whether its Hindu-revivalist
agenda, once its passport to power, was now irrelevant for younger
voters.

Some dissident leaders have questioned the party leadership including
President Rajnath Singh and Advani, the party’’s Prime Ministerial
candidate during the last polls.

Hinting status quo over the running of party affairs, Advani on Friday
said the country is waiting for a temple dedicated to lord Ram to come
up in northern Ayodhya city.

“The country will only be satisfied when a Ram Mandir (temple
dedicated to lord Ram) gets build at Ayodhya,” said Advani, after
visiting Somnath temple in Junagadh district of western Gujarat state.

The BJP, during their campaign for the April-May 2009 national
elections, promised to construct the temple that has been a flashpoint
of tension between Hindus and Muslims for years, if they come to
power.

The BJP rose to prominence on the back of a Hindu revivalist campaign
that sought the construction of a Ram temple on the site of a 16th
century mosque torn down by mobs in 1992.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 19:58:43 UTC
Permalink
http://www.cbnews1.info/as-a-muslim-i-feel-proud-i-did-kurbaan-saif-ali-khan/37430.html

As a Muslim I feel proud I did ‘Kurbaan’: Saif Ali Khan

Now actor-producer Saif Ali Khan is looking forward to “Kurbaan” – a
film he admits he is proud of having acted in being a Muslim.”As a
Muslim I feel proud of the fact that I have done this film.

This is one of the most socially relevant films today. It is good that
it is coming at just the time when our country needs cinema like
this,” Saif said.Set in the US, “Kurbaan” is a romantic thriller with
terrorism as its backdrop. A Karan Johar production directed by
debutant Rensil D’Silva, “Kurbaan” also stars Kareena Kapoor, Vivek
Oberoi,

Dia Mirza, Kirron Kher and Om Puri. It is slated to release Nov
27.Saif reveals that he now has a new career plan in place. “I would
now be working on two-three films a year and make sure that I cover a
wide spectrum. While a couple of them would be big, nice commercial
films, another would be a relatively smaller film that can be
completed in 30 days flat.”After “Love Aaj Kal”, his next production
venture is “Agent Vinod”. But shooting for the film is still a little
distance away.”Final touches on the script are being given and we have
been looking at getting the best technicians on board.

I guess by the end of this year, we should begin shooting.”In any case
I am in no tearing hurry to ready my next film. One should space
things out, invest good time to publicise things and get the right
preparation in place for the making of the film,” said Saif.He is also
careful that his personal life, especially his health, doesn’t suffer
due to his professional commitments.”It is of paramount importance
that one looks after the body as well as brain.

I go to the gym regularly as well as spend some good time with family.
As far as work is concerned, I have certainly become even more serious
about production after ‘Love Aaj Kal’.”We have learnt quite some
lessons after the release of our first film and the idea is to
leverage from some mistakes that we may have made. My investment as a
producer is bound to increase from here on.

”Meanwhile, the success of “Love Aaj Kal” and “Race” (2008) have made
it closer for him to the top-five league. While Shah Rukh Khan, Aamir
Khan, Akshay Kumar, Hrithik Roshan and Salman Khan are firmly placed
in the top league, Saif too is not that far away.”I don’t know much
about that. All such number placements are for other people to state,
study and analyse. As for me, I know today that I’m in a position to
make the film that

I want to make. I am also confident that the film I would make will
carry some meaning to people. My project should now carry certain
amount of weight and direction and for that one has to be a bankable
star.”He continues to shrug away the entire numbers game.”This number
business is quite fluctuating actually; so one should not be worried
about it. What you should worry about more is that now since people
have higher expectations from you, you should deliver even better in
your next assignments,” Saif said.

Deccan Herald – RSS
http://www.deccanherald.com

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 20:02:34 UTC
Permalink
Indo-Pak secretary level talks in New York
Page added on September 26, 2009

NEWS YORK: A meeting between foreign secretaries of Pakistan and
India is underway here on Saturday.

Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir is representing Pakistan while the
Indian side is being represented by Nirupama Rao.

The meeting will focus on the regional situation as well as other
matters.

The secretary level meeting is a follow up of the joint statement
issued after Sharm Al-Shaikh meeting between the prime ministers of
Pakistan and India. It is aimed at taking forward the peace process
between the two countries.

The main issues to be taken up at the meeting will include terrorism
and Kashmir standoff.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 20:09:10 UTC
Permalink
http://www.cbnews1.info/india-vs-pakistan-live-streaming/37392.html

Saturday, September 26, 2009 at 12:07 pm

India Vs Pakistan Live Streaming

Watch Live Streaming and Live scores of the Group A match between
Asian arch rivals India vs Pakistan in the ICC Champions Trophy 2009
which will begin in Johannesburg on Saturday 26th September, 2009,

Match will Start at 2:30 9m local, 12:30 GMT , 6-00 pm India time

Watch Live Cricket Match

Its going to be a great saturday night entertainment for cricket fans
across the world , Ind vs Pak clash is always eagerly awaited and a
edge of the seat treat for viewers , moreover this is a day/night
match on a saturday and starts at 6 pm India time.

India is without there vice captain and swash buckling opener Virender
Sehwag and pace spear head Zaheer Khan who were ruled out of the
Champions trophy because of injuries. …

More Information India Vs Pakistan Live Streaming

http://www.cbnews1.info/pakistan-302-9-vs-india/37422.html

Pakistan 302-9 Vs India

Saturday, September 26, 2009 at 3:39 pm under Sports News Buzz up!
Pakistan 302-9 Vs India

CENTURION : Pakistan reached 302 for nine wickets at the end of their
innings in the Champions Trophy Group A match against India on
Saturday.

Shoaib Malik (128) and Yousuf (87) are the cornerstones of Pakistan’s
302 runs.

Earlier, Pakistan captain Younus Khan elected to bat after winning the
toss against India in the Champions Trophy here on Saturday.

Pakistan won their opening match of the four-team group against the
West Indies, while India are playing their first game. Defending
champions Australia are the other team in the group, with the top two
advancing to the semi-finals.

Pakistan made one change from the side that beat the West Indies, with
Younus coming in place of Misbah-ul-Haq.

Pakistan 302-9 Vs India was first posted on September 26, 2009 at 9:50
pm.

©2009 “Pakistan News“.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 20:12:05 UTC
Permalink
http://www.cbnews1.info/champions-trophy-fawad-fined-for-missing-pakistan%e2%80%99s-flag-hoisting-ceremony/37368.html

Champions Trophy:

Fawad fined for missing Pakistan’s flag-hoisting ceremony

Saturday, September 26, 2009 at 7:38 am under Sports News Buzz up!
Champions Trophy: Fawad fined for missing Pakistan’s flag-hoisting
ceremony

Young all-rounder Fawad Alam has been fined for failing to report for
the flag-hoisting ceremony prior to the start of Pakistan’s opening
Champions Trophy match against West Indies at the Wanderers earlier
this week.

According to reports, Fawad did not turn up for the flag hoisting
ceremony at the ground and also failed to justify his absence. He was
fined Rs.10,000 Friday after being found guilty of a breach of
discipline.

It was after conducting a hearing that the team management fined him
and warned him against any future misconduct.

Champions Trophy organisers had invited sixteen kids who were supposed
to accompany the 15-member team along with the coach to the Wanderers
for the flag hoisting ceremony.

Fawad did not turn up despite several reminders and was sleeping in
the dressing room. By the time he woke up, the short ceremony was
over. The kid who was supposed to accompany Fawad was left perplexed
and confused. He even started weeping, finding no player to walk with.

The kid was consoled and was later offered the opportunity to take
pictures with team members.

Fawad is no stranger to controversies. A couple of weeks back he had
been involved in a serious breach of conduct during the national
training camp for the Champions Trophy, forcing the management to
impose a heavy fine of Rs.100,000 on him.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 21:18:39 UTC
Permalink
http://desicritics.org/2009/09/26/125517.php

For God's Sake
September 26, 2009
KG

"I stood there in the sanctum sanctorum of gilded gold, surrounded by
a throng of people feverish with piety and fervour. A gentle breeze
wafted through the temple and the curtain flutters. A collective gasp
rose - had it revealed its secret?"

Thirteen hours ago, I had reluctantly willed myself into a car to go
to what is commonly considered one of the greatest pilgrimage sites in
India. A place where they said dreams came true. A temple whose
presiding deity is generous to a fault to his devotees.

Slight problem though - the religious thing really isn't my cup of
tea.

I wasn't always like this. As a kid, one invariably follows one's
family in matters of faith - in fact, I seem to remember (rather
wistfully, I must admit) days when I had a set of some 12 Sanskrit
prayers I'd religiously recite every day. Days when I even put flowers
on the idols.

Even a highly embarrassing moment at the 'sacred' thread ceremony- a
wardrobe malfunction in front of a whole lot of people didn't really
deter me from assuming that somewhere in the skies lurked blessing.

Come to think of it - there isn't really a moment when I STOPPED
believing. It was the idea of the thread that put me off. This
ornament that supposedly set me apart from others felt too foreign-
too unfair to my dreams of normalcy.

Yes, I wanted to be like everyone else- I didn't want to be unique.


Ah! The innocent stupidity of childhood!

"The breeze dies down. 250 people exhale. Then it begins. A low clang-
growing steadily louder. At its zenith, the drums produce a deafening
sound. Sanskrit chants accompany the drum beat. The entire thing
blends into a symphony of sounds that cannot be separated from one
another- a continum of words and beats."

Make no mistake, the idea of 'God' was hard to accept to begin with.
All juvenile arguments about science and proof laid aside, it just
didn't seem possible. Miracles, I put down to coincidence. Good marks
I put down to hard work. Those who survived in hospital I put down to
great doctors.

Never to Him.

But in times of need, somehow one has an automatic tendency to ask God
for help, and that's wrong, said everyone - don't pray to God for
help. Pray because you believe, and then ask him for what you want.

Fair enough.

But if He's omniscient, surely He already knows what I want? And
because I've never offered propitiating sacrifices, never
wholeheartedly lit the lamps, never really prayed - I don't mean
recite shlokas - but actually prayed because I believed, admired the
architecture in his temples more than him - He's not going to give a
crap about me anyway!

Yet, it is strangely touching to see the hordes of people who
unquestioningly believe. Who do not doubt. It must be wonderful to
feel that way about something. Absolute faith is unnerving, but gives
one peace - the feeling that some things are certain.

On the other hand that 'doubt'- that quizzically raised eyebrow when I
see someone else worshipping an idol gives me a quiet satisfaction.
That it's all on me. My ruin is in my own hands. People believe that
praying to Him everyday keeps him happy- so that when they really want
something, He'll grant it- is that piety or fear?

And so I've never felt right asking him for favours. Not in the most
dire of situations. I have no business doing so.

"The drums go on. The people around continue chanting. A security
guard grins sheepishly and scratches his unmentionables- familiarity
does indeed breed contempt. The whole atmosphere- loud drums, the
perfectly pitched Sanskrit chants, the bells, the breeze, the devotees
swaying in unison- different people united for perhaps the only time
in their lives- unknowingly stirs memories- why, only God knows..

Someone whispers- The time is close....

And then in a flash, the green curtains are drawn.

And out of nowhere- from some primeval recess of the mind, knowing
full well that it is wrong to do so, I ask Him- whose existence I
question- for something... "

!$#@*&^%$...


KG is- well- himself. Schizophrenic, borderline manic depressive,
inveterate tennis fanatic.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-09-26 21:21:11 UTC
Permalink
http://desicritics.org/2009/09/26/151033.php

ICC Champions Trophy: India Outclassed by Pakistan
September 26, 2009
Aaman Lamba

Indian media seemed to have staked their all on the first match
between India and Pakistan in the ICC Champions Trophy at the
Supersport Park in Centurion, South Africa, seeing it, somewhat
perversely as payback time for the tragic events in Mumbai on
26/11/2008. This was not given much credence by the cricket-watching
fans of both nations, general bonhomie building as the teams took the
field. The health-related departure of Yuvraj Singh seemed to weaken
the Indian team, and when Pakistan won the toss, opting to bat first
on the fast pitch, they knew it would be a hard slog, given that
Pakistan seemed to also have the stronger bowling side.

The Pakistani batting started off well, and the run rate stayed near
7.00, bringing them to 28 after 4 overs. The loss of Imran Nazir to
Nehra in the 5th didn't faze the side, and they powered forward to a
quick 50 in 8 overs. The run rate did fall after Nehra took another
notch, that of Kamran Akmal, in the 9th over. After 20 overs, Pakistan
were only 86/3, having lost the wicket of Younis Khan along the way.
Mohammed Yousuf and Shoaib Malik put up a fine 206 partnership
however, pushing Pakistan's score to 271 in 46 overs. The wickets fell
fast after that, but Shoaib Malik went on to score 128 before he was
bowled by Harbhajan Singh in the 49th over, and Pakistan finished up
their innings at 302/9, a pretty good score.

The game was now set for a close contest between the Indian batsmen
and the strong Pakistani attack bowlers, with much relying on Sachin
Tendulkar, as has been the case for long. India started with a
flourish, touching 23 in 4 overs before they were surprised by the
loss of Sachin's wicket to Mohammad Aamer, as his ball kissed the edge
of Sachin's bat and Akmal's lunge caught it. the Indian team kept the
run rate in contention, clearing 44 runs in 7 overs,

A few costly overs from the Pakistan side helped the run rate, with
quite a few extras - freebies the Indian side were very grateful to
receive. India were 65/1 after 10 overs, and Yuvraj Singh could be
seen in the stands, sitting with a bandaged hand. Gautam Gambhir had
kept a steady pace, his batting might be called imperious, and was at
33. India chose to activate Powerplay just then, and another couple of
sloppy balls from Umar Gul, followed by a no-ball, allowed him to
unleash a sixer off a free hit ball, and India scored 16 runs off the
11th over.

His over-confidence led him astray, however, and he was run out at 57,
perhaps unnecessarily, in the 13th over. Dravid and Virat Kohli didn't
do much other than bring down the run rate to below 6, and India lost
both Virat Kohli and MS Dhoni in quick succession, being reduced to
134/4 in 24 overs. Rahul Dravid was playing a steady game, but with 35
off 56 balls, he needed to step up the pace to make a difference to
the Indian batting. He lasted until the 43rd over, scoring 76 with a
strike rate of 73.

India were 240 for 7 at the 43rd over, and the required run rate was
almost 9, so the implications of the loss were beginning to sink in
for the Indian team. They appeared lacklustre and morose, with only a
glimmer of hope, which too was lost when RP Singh was caught by
Mohammad Yousuf in the 44th over, with Ishant Sharma being also bowled
out in the same over by Naved-ul-Hasan. THe final wicket fell in the
next over, an outstanding spell by Pakistan.

In the end, the Indian side was let down by both the bowling and
uninspired batting, many runs coming off free hits and an inexcusable
array of no-balls from Pakistan. The Pakistani team, on the other
hand, shone at their batting, and cleaned up the Indian batting when
they needed to. Dravid, Gautam Gambhir, and Raina effectively threw
away their wickets, and this was Pakistan's day to shine.

Aaman Lamba is the Publisher of Desicritics.org, a Blogcritics network
site. He also blogs, more infrequently nowadays, at Audit Trails Of
Self

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-27 02:00:09 UTC
Permalink
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1090927/jsp/foreign/story_11547090.jsp

2 suicide bombings kill 16 in Pakistan
ISMAIL KHAN AND SABRINA TAVERNISE

Security officials at the scene of the suicide bombing in Peshawar on
Saturday. (AP)
Peshawar, Sept. 26: At least 16 people were killed and 90 were injured
in two suicide bombings in troubled areas of western Pakistan today.

Out of the 16, 10 were killed in Peshawar, the capital of the North
Western Frontier Province (NWFP) and the first major city to be
attacked in months.

The Peshawar attack targeted a commercial area less than a mile from
the US consulate and near a private bank owned by the Pakistani
military that had been hit before, said Liaqat Khan, the city police
chief.

It came just hours after another bomber hit a police station in Bannu,
a remote tribal area in northwestern Pakistan, killing five police
officers and one prisoner, according to Malik Naveed, the NWFP
inspector general.

The bombings appeared to be a calculated attempt by militants to
strike back at the Pakistani military, which has been conducting a
campaign against them since spring this year in northern and western
Pakistan.

Naveed said the attacks appeared to be the work of the Taliban, but
Khan warned that authorities had not yet determined the perpetrators.
Police detained three suspects taking video at the scene in Peshawar.

“It is premature to blame any group,” Khan said. “We want to keep our
minds open.”

Pakistan moved thousands of troops away from its eastern border with
India to launch offensives against Taliban militants in the west of
the country this spring, something the US had long pressured Pakistan
to do.

The operations had achieved some success: civilian casualties in
August reached their lowest level in more than a year, according to
the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies. Pakistan’s major cities,
Lahore and Islamabad, which used to suffer near-weekly bombings, had
been quiet for months.

The military was also helped by an American airstrike in August that
killed Baitullah Mehsud, the leader of the Pakistani Taliban and the
main perpetrator of attacks inside Pakistan.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-27 02:30:21 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/india/Goli-maar-do-but-we-will-never-go-back/articleshow/5060544.cms

'Goli maar do, but we will never go back'

Avijit Ghosh & Saurabh Banerjee, TNN 26 September 2009, 09:18pm IST

Rana Ram carries a bit of his pained past in a weathered wallet that's
always close to him. It's a photocopy of a grainy clipping from an
Urdu newspaper that shows a woman and her child. The caption reads:
'Impressed by Islam, the woman with the baby became a Muslim'.

"This isn't true,'' says Rana, a lean man with expressive eyes. For
the last 18 months, he has been crying himself hoarse that the
newspaper lied. "No, that's not why Samdi Mai, my wife of 10 years,
changed her religion. Ever since my father-in-law switched his faith,
we were under pressure from the maulvis and others to become Muslims
too."

But Rana, of Sadiqabad tehsil in Pakistan Punjab's Rahimyar Khan
district, resisted. Then one day, when he was away tending goats, a
fleet of cars filled with bearded men arrived at his house. On his
return, he found his wife gone.
The 30-year-old farmhand rushed to the police station only to be told
that his wife had converted of her own will.

Someone passed on a message a few days later. It said, "To get her
back, you also must become a believer."
Rana, though, wasn't ready to give up. He managed to get back his
three-year-old daughter at a village 'court' after paying off the
decision-makers. But his wife was 'out of the question'. That's when
he decided to take the weekly Thar Express to Rajasthan.

Over the past four years, more than 4,000 Hindus have come to India
from Pakistan, hoping never to return. A majority says they lived in
constant fear of losing their religion, of worrying that their
daughters would be dragged away and converted to Islam. Whenever such
traumatic incidents occurred, local authorities just looked away. It
was simply a question of 'us' and 'them'.

Laxmi Ram, daughter-in-law of Arjan Ram from Punjab's Bahawalpur
district, says her uncle's seven-year-old daughter was abducted and
that's the last they saw of her. Kewal Ram, from Punjab's Rahimyar
Khan district, says his sister's daughter was converted to Islam by a
locally influential man after her husband's death. "I went to every
authority, two top minority leaders, one a Hindu, the other a Parsi.
But nothing happened. That's when I decided to leave Pakistan, the
only home I had known."

Displaced people like Kewal Ram now live in wretched settlements in
Jodhpur, Jaisalmer and Barmer. And though they are disappointed with
the local authorities' attitudes, they say, "Goli maar do, par wapas
nahin jayenge."

This exodus from Pakistan is not new. During the 1965 and 1971 wars,
Hindus arrived in steady streams from across the border. "The
demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992 sparked a violent reaction in
Pakistan, forcing many Hindus to flee. In the following years, the
rise of extreme fundamentalism in Pakistan further ensured that
migration continued," says H S Sodha, president, Seemant Lok
Sangathan, which works for refugees across Rajasthan.

The latest rush started around 2007. Refugees say fundamentalism has
grown dramatically in Pakistan's Punjab. Dina Ram, who now lives in
Jaisalmer's Bhil Basti, says older Muslims were more understanding
towards minorities. "The younger boys are more fanatical," says this
former resident of Rahimyar Khan. And it is not the Taliban at work.

Like Rana Ram, many of the displaced come from Sadiqabad tehsil. Its
Rahim Yaar Khan district is too far away for the followers of
Baitullah Mehsud, based in Pakistan's remote northwest. Rather,
refugees say, a general pro-conversion social climate prevails in
rural Punjab that encourages even shopkeepers, neighbours and
schoolteachers to urge Hindus to convert. Allurements ("Tumhari shaadi
kara denge"), taunts ("Why do you worship idols?"), fear ("Tum dozakh
mein jaoge") and veiled threats ("Tumhare liye yehi accha rahega") —
every ploy is used to make them cross over to Islam.

There's a class dimension to the problem too. The refugees are among
the poorest of the poor. Many originally belong to Rajasthan's border
districts; their ancestors had moved westward in search of employment
before Partition. Most worked as farmhands for zamindars and then were
forced out. Dhapobai from Bahawalpur district, who now lives on
Jodhpur's outskirts, says her family changed home 25-30 times. Being
rootless, they are at the mercy of the local powers: zamindars and
maulvis. Class exploitation combines with religious bigotry to force
them to quit Pakistan.

About 100 displaced families live in Kali Beri, 20 km northwest of
Jodhpur. The settlement looks like a half-excavated Stone Age ruin
abandoned by archeologists. Thorny vilayati babools are everywhere,
but there is no sign of toilets, electricity or hope. "Every family
has a malaria patient," says Goman Lal, a resident since 1997. "The
men work in the stone quarries and do 10-12 hours of backbreaking
toil. But they have no complaints. These mines have saved our life and
honour."

They live under stacked blocks of unpolished sandstone. Byapari Ram,
32, stays here with his family. His arrival on January 4, 2009 was
spurred by Rana Ram's plight. "I feared we would be the next target,"
he says. His new home is furnished with just a bunch of plastic sacks
packed with clothes, and a trunk with his sisters' photographs. "I
wish I could get visas and bring them here," he says.

Having fled from religious pressures, the displaced land in further
humiliation. When they arrive on the Thar Express, which runs from
Karachi to Jodhpur, border officials are rude and demand bribes. Imran
Kumar says that at Munabao, the first stop in India, an official
confiscated his passport and demanded Rs 7,000. He got away with
paying Rs 2,600. "Back there, Muslims troubled us. But I can't
understand why even Hindus treat us badly," he despairs.

A majority of the displaced are either Meghwals (SCs) or Bhils (STs).
Those in Ramdev Nagar feel the absence of a proper burial ground.
Though Hindus, the Meghwals bury their dead. "We have had to fight
with other communities. The government has given us jeevan daan but we
also need mrityu daan," says Nand Lal, a former driver in Karachi who
got Indian citizenship in 2005.

There is another battle. Those on extended long-term visas are legally
bound not to leave Jodhpur's municipal limits or travel west of NH-15.
But with limited jobs, many slip awayto other towns in Rajasthan.

In December 2008, a high-powered committee submitted its report on
ways of improving the lot of these displaced people. But, says H S
Sodha, also a committee member, even those with citizenship are not
part of any state scheme for SCs. They don't have BPL cards either.
"They need better livelihood programmes and comprehensive social
security. Land should be more easily made available to them. Those on
long-term visas but yet to receive citizenship are not eligible for a
driving licence, bank account or insurance scheme. This must change."

Citizenship itself is an issue. Before 2004, the displaced had to stay
put for five years to become eligible. This has been extended to
seven. Application fees too have doubled. Between 2004-05, 11,327 were
granted citizenship. Expectedly, this number dropped to 1,201 in
2005-06 and 1,207 in 2006-07.

However, Naveen Mahajan, DM, Jodhpur, says that the administration is
seriously trying to help. "We are preparing the list of those who have
got citizenship. Our prime focus will be on BPL cards. We are
identifying a piece of land for their rehabilitation in Jodhpur," he
says.

One thing is for sure: nobody wants to go back. "Sar kalam kar do,
wapas nahi jaoongi (You can chop my head off, I won't go back.)," says
Chhannobai from Bahawalpur district. Jeobai, the family's female head,
takes pride in the fact that "Bacchi bacha ke aayein hain. Yehi bahut
hai. (We have saved our daughters. That's enough)."

Rana Ram now lives with his uncle on the city's outskirts. Every
morning, he gets up around five, cooks for his kids and readies his
eight-year-old son for school before setting out to work in the
quarries. It's a tough life. But he doesn't care. "At least I have the
freedom to keep my faith and live without fear," he says.

The great escape

On the midnight of August 15 last year, two young boys fled the
bondage of their Muslim landlord and crossed the border to freedom.

The sand was soft and they could scoop it out with their bare hands.
But the fence was deeper than they had imagined. It was midnight,
August 15, 2008. The Indo-Pak border was floodlit and any moment they
could have been caught and sent back to the hell they were trying to
escape.

They had walked 20 km, fleeing at noon when everyone had gone for
Friday prayers. It was sheer luck that in his rush, the master had
forgotten to tie them up. For three years that had been the routine,
ever since their father sold them off to the Pakistani landlord for Rs
50,000.

Bhagwan Ram was 14 then and Pahelwan Ram 11. Their mother had died and
their father needed the money for his second marriage. So, Bhagwan Ram
and his brother became the property of Haji Zamir. For three years,
the lads were strapped to a plough and made to till the fields from 6
in the morning till 6 in the evening. Dinner was the Zamir family's
leftovers. And, at night, they were tied to their cots.

This was why they were seeking freedom on the midnight of August 15
last year. They had heard of relatives who lived east, "where the sun
rose every day", a place called Jaisalmer. So they followed the sun as
it slid west, and then the stars and a smelly canal that runs from
Rahimyar Khan to the Indian border. On the way, they stopped at Dadi
Ka Mazar, and sought dua. If they were to cross the border, dodge BSF
bullets, and eventually find their relatives, they would surely need
more than just the blessings of Tanot mata, their deity.

But they needn't have been here at all. Their master had given them a
choice: "Become Muslims, forget Tanot mata, stop worshipping the boots
(idols), and from tomorrow, you will get some money, more rotis, more
dal, and maybe later, some land, and even a woman in your bed. And at
night, nobody will tie you up. You will be free".

They chose real freedom instead.

When they could dig no further, they pulled at the wires till the gap
was wide enough for them to scrape through. They still remember how
the barbs dug into their flesh, the blood — but they kept their tryst
with the midnight hour and got their independence.

And then, after stumbling along the sand on the Indian side for an
hour, maybe more, suddenly the three — their cousin Sumeer Ram had
come along too — were overpowered by sleep.

They were woken by the sun beating down on their faces. "A farmer saw
us," says Pahelwan. "He asked where we were from. We said we were from
Pakistan, and asked for water. He filled our two bottles, but said he
would have to take us to the police. That was fine by us. We wanted to
tell the police our story. We wanted rotis and dal. We wanted them to
take us to Jaisalmer, where every day from our virtual prison in
Pakistan, we saw the sun rise."

When they were handed over, the BSF jawans blindfolded them and took
them back to the border. "They followed our footsteps," says Sumeer
Ram. "They wanted to find out if we were telling the truth." After
that, it was a year and three days in a police lock-up at Ramgarh in
Jaisalmer. They didn't mind this either. They were never tied up and
there was always enough roti and dal. Bhagwan Ram said, "I held the
feet of the police officer and told him to shoot me, kill me but not
send me back."

Freedom finally came on August 19 this year, when the Union home
ministry decided not to deport them. They were released on the
guarantee of their grandfather, who lives in Jaisalmer's Bhil basti.
He traced them after a local newspaper report about three boys who had
run away from Pakistan.

It will be at least another seven years before Bhagwan, Pahelwan and
Sumeer can become Indians. Till then, every Monday, they must visit
the local police station to prove that they haven't gone back to the
hell they managed to escape from.

(With inputs from Anindo Dey, Ajay Parmar & Vimal Bhatia)

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-27 08:23:09 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/302528_Dhoni-puts-blame-on-bowlers-for-loss-against-Pakistan

Dhoni puts blame on bowlers for loss against Pakistan
STAFF WRITER 11:8 HRS IST
Asish Shukla

Centurion, Sep 27 (PTI) India skipper Mahendra Singh Dhoni has held
the lackluster bowling display responsible for his side's humiliating
54-run defeat at the hands of arch-rivals Pakistan in their Champions
Trophy opener.

"I was feeling not one bowler short but three bowlers short. It was
tough to set field for them," stated Dhoni here after Indian bowling
department conceded 302 runs to Pakistan.

India's frontline bowlers, except for Ishant Sharma, went for huge
runs. Off-spinner Harbhajan Singh, who was Dhoni's trump card in the
slow SuperSport wicket late last night, conceded 71 runs in his 10
overs while and RP Singh and Ashish Nehra finished up the day's
proceedings in the high 50s.

The fourth-wicket Pakistani pair of Shoaib Malik and Mohammad Yousuf
pulverised the Indian bowling during their record 206-run stand.

"Whatever field you gave them, it didn't work.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-27 08:25:36 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/302112_Shoaib-Malik-s-ton-helps-Pakistan-post-302-for-9


Shoaib Malik's ton helps Pakistan post 302 for 9

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Advertisement
Share Print E-mail Comment[ - ] Text [ + ]STAFF WRITER 21:51 HRS IST
Ashish Shukla

Centurion, Sep 26 (PTI) Shoaib Malik (128) led a late explosion with a
scintillating century to propel Pakistan to a challenging 302 for nine
in their crucial Group A Champions Trophy match against India here
today.

Pakistan exploded in the second half of their innings with Malik and
Mohammad Yousuf, who scored an 88-ball 87, sharing a 206-run stand for
the fourth wicket from 188 balls after they were reduced to 65 for
three in the 15th over.

Except for Ashish Nehra (4/55), who picked up wickets of Imran Nazir,
Kamran Akmal, Yousuf and Umar Akmal, all other Indian bowlers,
including Harbhajan Singh, failed to deliver after Pakistan chose to
bat first in the much anticipated showdown.

Harbhajan (1/71), who was India's trump card on a slow SuperSport Park
pitch, was wayward giving width to Malik and Yousuf and was clobbered
all around.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-27 16:46:31 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/302813_Debate-over-Hindu-writing-Pak-s-1st-anthem-continues

Debate over Hindu writing Pak's 1st anthem continues
STAFF WRITER 14:14 HRS IST

Islamabad, Sep 27 (PTI) A lively debate over Pakistan's founder
Mohammed Ali Jinnah commissioning an Urdu-knowing Hindu to write the
country's first national anthem has erupted both in the real and
virtual world after a write-up on the issue in a daily.

Long before Hafeez Jullundhri's Persianised lyrics were adopted as the
national anthem in 1950s, Pakistan had an anthem written by Jagannath
Azad, son of Lahore-based renowned poet Tilok Chand Mahroom. Azad was
commissioned by Jinnah to write the anthem three days before the
creation of Pakistan in 1947.

Azad's lyrics "Ae sarzameene paak/Zarray teray haen aaj sitaaron se
taabnaak/ Roshan hai kehkashaan se kaheen aaj teri khaak/Ae sarzameene
paak" (Oh land of Pakistan, the stars themselves illuminate each
particle of yours/rainbows brighten your very dust) ? were replaced
barely six months after Jinnah's death in September 1948.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-27 16:49:06 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/302849_Govt-re-drafts-bill-to-control-communal-violence

Govt re-drafts bill to control communal violence
STAFF WRITER 14:33 HRS IST

New Delhi, Sep 27 (PTI) UPA government's much-touted bill to prevent
and control communal violence is back to the drafting table.

The government decided to re-draft the Communal Violence (Prevention,
Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill, part of the common
minimum programme of UPA-I, as it found that it had striking
similarities with the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act
(AFSPA).

"The Communal Violence bill is being re-drafted," a senior Home
Ministry official said.

There was an opinion among the government that provisions in the draft
legislation emphasised on sending more central forces to the affected
regions, which was similar to the AFSPA, the official said.

The bill was first introduced in the Rajya Sabha in 2005 but had drawn
criticism from many parties, including some UPA constituents.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-28 23:31:45 UTC
Permalink
http://sify.com/news/fullstory.php?a=jj2u4bgdfai&title=Radio_Pakistan_s_effort_to_revive_Khalistan_agitation_an_effort_in_vain

Radio Pakistan's effort to revive Khalistan agitation, an effort in
vain

2009-09-28 20:30:00

Radio Pakistan in its recent Punjabi Darbar programme has given an
indication that Pakistan wants to revive the Khalistan agitation which
caused misery to thousands of Sikhs in India and retarded the economic
development of the State.

The Punjabi Durbar programme stated that India has forgotten the
promise it had made to Sikhs and Kashmiris.

Manpreet Kaur, a Sikh scholar and educationalist, said that the
Pakistan propaganda is not making any impact on the people living in
Punjab. He remarked that "Before making comments on the situation in
India, Pakistan should look at itself first, and the statements being
made by its former President General Musharraf from London brazenly
stating how Pakistan has misused American aid against India.

"Pakistan will never be able to incite minorities in India. The fact
is that persons from minority are occupying important positions in our
country. Our Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Leaders like Mukhtar Abbas
Naqvi and Shahnawaz Hussain are occupying posts in Bharatiya Janata
Party.

"They are the voice of the countrymen, so how does the question of
minorities being dominated or discriminated in India arise?," asked
Manpreet Kaur, a Sikh scholar and educationalist.

Manpreet Brar pointed out that Sikhs and Hindus do not feel safe in
many parts of Pakistan. Sikhs had to leave the North West Frontier as
the Taliban elements there asked them to pay 'Jezia' or protection
money. Many Sikhs and Hindus were forced to change their religion.

The latest allegations look ridiculous considering the fact that
Sardar Parkash Singh Badal is heading the State Government of Punjab,
which is an Akali Dal and BJP combine.

Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, who is also a Sikh, has always
believed in the concept of secular India where members of all
religions can live in harmony.

Dr. Singh's Cabinet represents persons of all religions but they have
been included because of their intelligence and leadership qualities
and not religious identities.

Union Minister for Health and Family Welfare Ghulam Nabi Azad is from
Kashmir. Having remained one of the members of the Congress core
committee, he has served as the Chief Minister of Kashmir in the
recent past. Besides, Union Minister for Renewable Energy Farooq
Abdullah, whose son Omar Abdullah is the present Chief Minister of
Jammu and Kashmir, also represents the Kashmiri leadership in the
present UPA government.

Former President of India A.P.J.Abdul Kalam is still one of the most
respected figures of the country.

Manpreet Brar, asks can Radio Pakistan mention even one Hindu leader
to have occupied the post of President or Prime Minister?

The support for a separate nation for Sikhs and an independent Kashmir
only exposes how Pakistan is blatantly supporting divisive forces in
India. (ANI)

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-28 23:36:51 UTC
Permalink
http://www.twocircles.net/2009sep28/lack_leadership_problem_indian_muslims_inl_president_prof_muhammed_sulaiman.html

Lack of leadership is the problem of Indian Muslims: INL President
Prof

Muhammed Sulaiman

Submitted by admin4 on 28 September 2009 - 6:17pm.

By TwoCircles.net Staff Correspondent,

Kochi: The biggest problem of Indian Muslims is the lack of strong
leadership, said Prof Muhammed Sulaiman, national president of the
Indian National League. He was speaking at the public meeting
organized in relation with the inauguration of the state committee
office of the INL in Kozhikode yesterday.

Now there is none to bring the real problems of Muslims to the notice
of the Parliament and those in power, he said. Those who represent the
minorities in the Parliament are more interested in speaking about
political matters. The central Minister of Minority Affairs has
uttered this fact and the community should understand it with due
seriousness. When Narendra Modi’s government shot dead the college
student Ishrat Jahan making her a terrorist, the Congress government
filed an affidavit in favour of it in the court. None of the Muslim
MPs and ministers was ready to protest against this, he complained.

NVA Majeed, state vice-president, presided over the function. National
general secretary Siraj Ibrahim Sait, Karnataka president Abdussamad
Siddiqi and Tamil Nadu president J Inayatulla spoke at the function.
Adv PMA Salam, MLA, delivered the vote of thanks.

Leadership

Submitted by Gopi Thomas (not verified) on 28 September 2009 - 6:35pm.

What Muslims need is grass roots development.

Look at keral christians - look at the accomplishmnents they have made
to themselves and to the country with a population of only 60 lakhs.
There is no "Christian leader"...

Muslims have to accept that in a secular modern polity the functional
unit must bee the individual, and not the community. They refuse to
accept this, making them go backward further.

keral christians

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on 28 September 2009 - 7:51pm.

Kerala christians are thriving on missionary money.Muslims donot use
monetory benifits for conversion.
Islam is against such conversions.

Keral christians/anonymous

Submitted by Gopi Thomas (not verified) on 28 September 2009 -
11:01pm.
@ anonymous

I am not talking about conversions or lack of conversions.(Muslims and
Christians have done their fair share of conversions)

What i am talking about is the significant accomplishments, in
education, in business, in professiosn, in national contribution -that
the Christians in Kerala have made to kerala and India. How have they
integrated in the mainstream, how they acquired knowledge etc in spite
of being a minority.

They did not ahve any governmental reservation or handout.

There may be lessons to be learned by any minority. Otherwise, Muslims
will remain backward and marginal.

for gods sake dont compare

Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on 29 September 2009 - 2:39am.

for gods sake dont compare isai conversion with other religion
conversion. Missionaries can stoop to any level to convert we all know
it!!

and keralite excelled cos of two main reasons

1) Missionary powered schools and engg and nursing colleges which do
get money from outside, they churn out suboptimal level products, and
almost all of these isai products are absorbed in Gulf area.

2) Gulf money!!

I agree

Submitted by Giri (not verified) on 29 September 2009 - 2:18am.

Christians are very forward looking indians compared to any community.
That is the reason why kerala is the most literate state. I am ok with
conversions as long as it is individual based and not under pressure
or monitary benefits. One case is TV actress Mahant (journo in
Shaktiman serial) who is converted to Xtian by accident. I oppose the
ones that do mass conversions, only problem i see is that can lead to
secession in the indian union if some enemy country tries to take
advantage.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-29 12:27:32 UTC
Permalink
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/63960/LATEST%20NEWS/Modi+worships+assault+guns.html

Modi worships assault guns
Mail Today Bureau
Ahmedabad and New Delhi, September 29, 2009

Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi on Monday performed shastra puja
(worship of weapons) at his official residence in Gandhinagar, raising
questions whether someone in his position should be taking part in
such a ritual.

On display at the prayers, while members of the elite National
Security Guard (NSG) and the state police looked on, were sub- machine
guns, AKseries assault rifles, and prohibited bore pistols. These are
regular issue for the NSG, paramilitary forces and the Army.

Also placed in the row of weapons for the prayers - usually performed
on Vijaya Dashami, the last day of Navratra - were swords, tridents,
clubs and axes.

As the CM performed the prayers for close to two hours, none of the
NSG men appeared to be armed. Their weapons had evidently been
presented for the ritual.

This worship is a traditional ritual, followed by those who carry
weapons-like the Rajputs, or members of the armed forces and the
police. It is believed to have its genesis in the worship of weapons
by Rama's followers before the final battle with Ravana, in which the
demon king was killed.

However, when a top civilian representative takes part in such a
practice, controversy is bound to follow.

Modi has made this an annual ritual, and those close to him insist he
has not done anything unusual. The CM's office too did not think it
was out of place for him to worship deadly weapons belonging to NSG
personnel.

"The CM started the shastra puja tradition on Vijaya Dashami in 2002.
Everyone, including the security personnel and the NSG men, takes
part. No one has ever said anything," said Jagdish Thacker, Modi's
media advisor.

However, that may no longer be true. The Congress expressed surprise
at the chief minister's worship of deadly weapons and said it showed
his weak character rather than strength.

"The attempts of the chief minister of Gujarat to project a muscular
image are nothing short of comic," said Congress spokesperson Manish
Tewari.

The Left condemned it as a "medieval" practice. "What is he trying to
do? He should have some sense. No one can be stopped from offering
prayers on Vijaya Dashami but collecting arms from security personnel
and worshipping them is going a bit too far," said CPI general
secretary A.B. Bardhan.

Modi's party, the BJP, appeared to be trying to make sense of what
political message the Hindu Hriday Samrat was sending. "I really do
not know anything about it," said BJP spokesperson Rajiv Pratap Rudy.
However, the fact that NSG men did not have their weapons seems to
have upset the brass of the elite force that protects VIPs. NSG
director-general NPS Aulakh was unavailable for comment. But, a senior
official in Delhi said there were strict guidelines for the commandos
to always hold their weapons while on duty.

"At any time, there are six to eight NSG commandos with their weapons-
usually an MP5 or an AK-series rifle-guarding the closest security
ring of a Z-plus protectee like Modi. In no event are they supposed to
hand over their weapons to anyone," he said.

He said if on- duty NSG commandos had flouted the rules, the matter
would invite an internal inquiry.

Former NSG director- general Ved Marwah said, "I am sure rules do not
allow for such a thing, where commandos hand over weapons for worship.
Maybe the commandos could not say 'no' to the chief minister. I cannot
recall any such case during my tenure at the NSG."

President Pratibha Patil posed with an AK-47 rifle recovered from
militants during her visit to Jammu & Kashmir in May last year.

The President, seen with a weapon linked to militants, was disapproved
by many. Jammu & Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah criticised Patil
on his blog, saying he would have rather seen her talking to kids
about the future. He wrote: "it (was a) reminder of the one object
that has caused so much death and destruction over the last 18 years."

Courtesy: Mail Today

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-29 12:30:30 UTC
Permalink
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/63968/LATEST%20NEWS/CBI+gives+clean+chit+to+Pragya+and+Purohit+in+Nanded+case.html

CBI gives clean chit to Pragya and Purohit in Nanded case
Mail Today Bureau
New Delhi, September 29, 2009

In a relief to former Lieutenant Colonel Prasad Purohit and Sadhvi
Pragya Thakur, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has given
these Malegaon blast accused a clean chit in the Nanded case which the
investigative agency is probing again.

A CBI officer on Monday revealed that the agency filed a supplementary
chargesheet in the Nanded case last month, but only against Punebased
antique arms dealer, Rakesh Dhawade.

The CBI had re-opened the Nanded case in December 2008 after the
Maharashtra Anti- Terrorism Squad (ATS) arrested 11 persons, including
Dhawade, Purohit and Pragya, for the Malegaon blasts and revealed a
link between the Malegaon and Nanded incidents.

The ATS submitted its Malegaon chargesheet in January, implicating
Dhawade for the Nanded blasts as well. Dhawade has also been charge-
sheeted by the ATS for bomb blasts in the Purna mosque in Purna
(Parbhani), Qadriya mosque in Jalna and the Mohammediya mosque in
Parbhani.

While it took the CBI eight more months to reconfirm Dhawade's link
with the Nanded case, the agency has let Purohit and Pragya go free.

This, despite the ATS chargesheet in the Malegaon case calling Dhawade
the "main member of the organised crime syndicate involving all the
Malegaon accused". "Dhawade was present at the oath- taking ceremony
of members of Abhinav Bharat at Raigad fort in 2006 - attended by
Purohit, Ajay Rahirkar , and others," reads the ATS chargesheet.

Courtesy: Mail Today

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-29 12:38:50 UTC
Permalink
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/index.php?option=com_myblog&show=An-item-number-Mother-Goddess-.html&Itemid=&main_category=Double
Column&contentid=58357&blogs=1&contentid=58357

Double Column

An item number Mother Goddess?

Divinity is an annual ritual reminding you of your quotas in life.

The Pujas in Kolkata do exactly that to various people in many ways.
Time was when the Pujas meant festivity, unbridled revelry, endless
pandal-hopping and clock-less partying when you could have danced all
night. For every generation, it has been the same; the young looking
forward to the annual coming while the elders taking furtive glances
at calendar pages going.

It's the same with style, fashion, food, entertainment, sports, and
almost everything that our lives are locked with. The cup brimmeth
over only to be refilled; for some, there are no more refills.

It may sound a trifle sad to start off a festival issue with such
words of emptiness but fact is there are times when you need to look
inside to feel what is happening outside. This Puja, for example, does
not come with great expectations and this city, which was once a
repository of emotions in some fashion or the other, just does not
seem to care that we have had devastations like the Aila, the post-
poll violence on the other, while SMSes continue to crowd your cell
phone with alerts on easy shopping or which film is running where and
the exciting prizes that can be won if you patronize a first day,
first show. No harm in that, chalta hai world as it has become.

I remember this same city only two decades back playing only Hemanta
Mukherjee songs at Puja pandals (mind you, without a government writ)
because the legend had passed away only a few weeks previous to the
festivals. I also remember this same city three decades back switching
off lights during the Pujas and staying away from all ostentations
because the state had drowned in Noah-time floods. That was a city
with a heart and that is the way I would, like countless others, love
to remember it by. A city which paid tributes without realising that
it was setting an example to be emulated.

In 2009, there is a strange silence. It is as if the goddess is almost
unwelcome. Which is, of course, an exaggeration because that is not
true. The five days will remain those five days for all those living
in Kolkata and the city will deck itself up alright and have fun till
the wee hours of Ekadashi but somehow, somewhere, something is
missing. It is as if the quota is full. It is as if the spontaneity is
missing.

For example, now, more than ever before, nobody remembers when
Mahalaya comes and goes, but that could be because the radio is more
used to FM now. Calcutta Doordarshan anyway has never given us
anything to write home about with its Mahalaya programmes and nobody
misses it.

The Mahalaya quota for the city has brimmeth over, barring the file
pictures of old men washing themselves in the Ganges for tarpan.
Believe me, those pictures are almost never taken as a reality check,
the photo department quota on tarpan pictures in any newspapers office
can outlive generations. It helps that the paying public usually has
the memory of a flea and so nobody notices.

A tarpan picture is usually like a President's address on R-Day eve;
you can easily show the previous year's footage and nobody will
notice. As I said, the Mahalaya quota is over.

But the consumer honchos will not allow the Puja quota to be over so
fast. Hotels will rush and bombard you with press releases of food
festivals, suddenly art galleries will stumble upon new Raja Ravi
Vermas, the SMSes already referred to will continue to jam cell phones
and the number of Puja awards for best vahana will proliferate. I am
quite sure marmosets will find pride of place in some Puja pandal or
other this time. As Shah Rukh Khan recently said in an interview, "You
need an item number all the time, be it in song or sequence." I can
wager my last farthing that the marmoset will be the item number this
Puja.

Some illumination perversion can turn to the Aila as some did with the
Dhananjoy hanging in 2004 but I leave that to a matter of taste or
distaste depending on the way you prefer to look at things.

The Mahalaya has vanished because it could not come up with item
numbers; the industry which the Pujas spawn will not allow that as
long as it can help it. But the strain is showing over the years; the
quotas, after all, are in the mind and not in the credit card
ceilings.

The Alipore weather office has predicted disaster this Pujas saying
that it will be rain washed. Even if it has not, made any formal
prediction, I see this news being front-paged every day in the media;
why hacks without fresh news should take this almost perverse glee in
warning people of disappointment ahead could be another solid reason
as to why the cup is already brimming.

Is it true that rain washed and empty pandals might just reflect the
state of mind of a city which has nothing to look forward to except a
32-year-old expected change in the form of an item number Mother
Goddess?

August 25, 2009 Posted by Abhijit Dasgupta

Tags: Shah Rukh Khan, Raja Ravi verma, Pujas, Mahalaya, Kolkata,
Hemanta Mukherjee, Ganges, Calcutta Doordarshan, Alipore, Aila
Comments (3)
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Why someone is afraid if he had twill something about the goddess in
the newspaper to accept the views of others which can be shard it is a
very easy thing to earn money just create controversies and be popular
as we say the name is bad but it is better than no name is it so thus
our print media also follow this it is proven by this article by
hurting a number of devotees.
shashank

September 05, 2009

If they check our views why didn't his, who wrote this kind of blog,
is it a pinpoint towards the feelings of devotees of Ma Durga.
shashank

September 03, 2009

"Item NUMBER-SHARUKH" while reading 'Mother GODDESS' of yours ABHIJIT
BABU -kharab lago.

Maa DURGA will remain for ever to all in INDIA - to West Bengal is
concerned - it's importance/DEVOTION cannot be compared to such "ITEM
NUMBER" and strongly find it is very objectionable in any form in such
of MAA DURGA especially.

Other wise yes IMPORTANCE of MAHALAYA-TARPAN GANGA SNAAN etc., is of
course less compared to 60's/ 70's -exact reason is not political but
our advancement -yes some times we all come across such MAA DURGA
cannot be taken as referred by some who only knows publicity of his
own in any form and recently noticed it's too much. MAA SHOULD excuse
of such as they are very ignorant.

you will EXCUSE me if somewhere I offended. But I am frank and respect
all and is -ve in any form for betterment of the faiths to which we
are embedded.
sudhakara rao

August 26, 2009

About Abhijit Dasgupta

Abhijit Dasgupta is an Executive Editor with India Today. He started
his career as a trainee journalist with The Telegraph and was one of
three who were promoted to Night Editor directly from traineeship,
something unimaginable in 1982. He has since worked with The Indian
Express, Sunday Observer, Financial Express, The Pioneer and was the
launch Editor of Calcutta Times of the Times of India, giving Kolkata
its first taste of Page 3. He was the English translator of Jyoti
Basu's authorised Bengali memoirs which was inaugurated by the CM at
the Book Fair 1998. His debut novel, Dying to Return, is to be
published in London early next year.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-29 12:41:47 UTC
Permalink
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/64081/LATEST%20NEWS/No+fresh+construction+of+places+of+worship+at+public+places,+rules+SC.html

No fresh construction of places of worship at public places, rules SC
PTI

New Delhi, September 29, 2009

The Supreme Court on Tuesday directed that there shall be no fresh
construction of places of worship at public places throughout the
country.

The restriction would apply to temples, mosques, churches, gurudwaras
and places of worship of all other communities, a Bench of Justices
Dalveer Bhandari and Mukundakam Sharma said in an interim order.

The Bench said its order would be enforced till the issue relating to
construction of places of worship at public places is finally resolved
by the apex court.

The apex court also said that the fate of existing places of worship
shall be dealt by the respective state governments on a "case to case"
basis.

The Bench passed the direction after Solicitor General Gopal
Subramanium informed the apex court that the Centre and the states had
reached a consensus that there shall be no fresh construction of
places of worship at public places.

The apex court had on July 31 directed the government to ensure no
place of worship is allowed to come up by encroaching public place.

The direction to the Centre came during the hearing of a petition
challenging the Gujarat High Court order of May, 2006, by which the
municipal corporations in the state were directed to demolish all
illegal structures including places of worship on public roads.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-29 13:11:38 UTC
Permalink
http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?262016

National / Opinion Magazine | Oct 05, 2009

A Hey Ram For Ahimsa

It seems we’re doing nothing about the violence in our mindset

In a few days, we will be observing the 140th birth anniversary of the
Father of the Nation. I must confess I’m incensed to see some who have
absolutely no place there file past his samadhi on anniversaries and
the like. For obvious reasons, I shall not name them, but they are
those who want to acquire some respectability by being caught on
television as they parade their loyalty to the Mahatma and his ideals.
These are people guilty of exactly what Gandhiji asked us to desist
from. Not only are they venal, it is well known that many of them do
not hesitate to unleash violence to promote their interests.

What appals me most, among several other facts of life in India, is
the speed at which we are regressing from the Mahatma’s fundamental
message of non-violence. Without doubt we have become a nation where
the cost of human life is as negligible as in the worst parts of
Africa. Where on earth would a woman accused of adultery be dragged
into the streets and be beaten up by other women? Where else would
girl students escaping from flood waters be molested, starting a
deadly stampede at a school? If such incidents do not stir our
politicians into action, it’s because many of them thrive on violence
and disorder. Even if they do not themselves indulge in violence, they
command packs of hoodlums who do. Every election sees more and more
criminals getting elected to our legislatures while decent people
watch helplessly. This unfortunate aspect of our polity has had more
than a ripple effect on crime in general.

When we want to study crime trends in our country, our almanac is
‘Crime in India’ (CII), an annual publication of the National Crime
Records Bureau (NCRB), attached to the Union home ministry. Its
figures are not exact, given the police tendency to under-report crime
and the public’s growing reluctance to lodge complaints. Still, the
CII is the only authentic crime report we have, in the absence of
public opinion surveys on crime that the US and UK boast of. According
to the CII, crime involving bodily harm increased more than five per
cent in 2007, the last year for which figures are available. My guess
is the rise was far higher.

I am, however, more concerned about violent crimes against women,
whose safety was paramount in the causes espoused by the Mahatma.
There were more than 8,000 dowry-related deaths during 2007. The
number of rape cases was 20,000, a 35 per cent increase over the
decade. This is a trend that should shock us out of our wits.
Remember, rape is a form of crime that is highly under-reported, given
the social stigma that attaches to the victim. You will be even more
shocked to learn that culprits get away in as many as two-thirds of
the rape cases that ultimately reach court. The chief reasons for
acquittal are faulty investigation by the police and dishonesty on
part of key witnesses. Quite often, the perpetrators of this
abominable crime are moneyed and influential; more importantly, they
often happen to be friends or relations of the victim. This is why it
is not the police alone who are guilty; society has to share the
blame. In my view, it’s time we think of how we can raise a whole
generation of citizens resolved to intervene wherever and whenever
they see injustice, especially to women.

I have the greatest contempt for our film world, which systematically
promotes violence in general and the ridicule and abuse of women in
particular. Murder and rape are the staple of many of our movies,
which ape Hollywood shamelessly and with the utmost insensitivity to
our traditional values. I was appalled to watch Kamalahaasan on TV the
other day, justifying the depiction of violence in his productions. He
seemed quite pleased when the NDTV interviewer referred to his movies
as among the most realistic in showing violence. He wasn’t apologetic
either. He denied he was promoting violence and said he was merely
reflecting what was happening in society. What a clever way of saying
that nothing else sells!

Coming as that did from a polished and remarkably talented actor-
director, I was immeasurably pained. What do we do to put some sense
into the likes of Kamalahaasan so that future generations are exposed
to movies that will teach them to abjure violence and cultivate the
nicer sentiments of life? This is a mammoth task. There’s a crying
need for creating an influential body of opinion leaders who will set
score by what the Mahatma taught us.

(The writer is a former director of CBI.)

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-29 16:31:47 UTC
Permalink
http://www.mynews.in/News/Unsung_tale_of_a_Legend_family__N26858.html

Unsung tale of a Legend family

Posted On: 29-Sep-2009 04:29:09
News Source: Vidya Bhushan Rawat

New Delhi: Almost three years after the death of legendary Dashrath
Majhi, a visit to the landmark created by the ‘Pahad purush’ i.e.
mountain man in Dashrath Nagar, Gehlaur (Gaya) in Bihar makes one
wonder how the government’s forgets their promises? The man who hailed
from Mushahar community is today revered as Pahad baba. Those who have
seen the primitive conditions of Mushahars and their persistent
marginalization, they would certainly vouch that the recognition and
acknowledgement of the work done by one among them, will go to
rejuvenate the community and bring it to the life back. One does not
know these facts but Dashrath Majhi’s work might make a fascinating
story for young minds and the importance of commitment for a cause.

On August 17th, 2007, when Dashrath Majhi, 70, died of a prolonged
illness and the Nitish Kumar government of the time took care of his
treatments in AIIMS, Delhi, it looked that they would honor the words
given to Dashrath Majhi and his villagers. Not only this, Baba, as
Dashrath Majhi, is reverently addressed in the entire area, was asked
what should be done for him. ‘Yes, we will provide 5 acres of land to
your family’, the chief minister had promised. Baba that time said he
did not anything for him but ‘build’ a hospital for the village. After
the death of Baba, the government named the road that Baba cut through
the huge mountain as Dashrath Majhi Road and the village as Dasharath
Nagar. A temple is being constructed in the name of Baba which is
called as Ghat.

Born in a deeply poverty entrenched family of Mangaru Majhi and
Pattiya Devi in the Gahlor Ghati which was surrounded by the mountains
and no connectivity of roads to the nearest town, Baba saw the
difficulties of people living in Gehlor Ghati. His wife would go along
with others to get water mounting the difficult terrain. He saw
tremendous pain of inability for those who needed medical aid and old
folks who found it difficult to climb the hill to reach the other
side. The other way to reach the nearest town was by road which was
about 75 kilometer. It was nearly impossible. Baba decided himself
that they need some one way to reduce this and it was only possible if
he would cut through the mountain and will make way for every one.
While the governance was absent in the village and there was no way
for the community to speak to political class to provide them roads
and infrastructure. And one can understand what would have been the
situation in 1960 when there were not much money and political power
was still in the hands of dominant communities. So Dasharath must have
felt that the only way to overcome this hurdle was to take some
initiative and do the work. Hence then one fine day in 1960 he started
his work. The pains and agony of people strengthened his determination
particularly as his wife too had to face tremendous problems during
these days. With shovel in hand, he started digging the mountains.
Actually, Mushahars of the region depended a lot on stone cutting as
it is their main source of livelihood. But Baba was not much doing it
for commercial gains as he was keen on reducing the difficulties of
his fellow villagers. It was a herculean task. The family never liked,
the villagers called him mad. ‘How will this man cut such a rocky
mountain? Has he gone mad? Does he has no other work to do? What is he
doing”, were the scornful questions thrown at Baba. But Dasharath
Majhi was determined and just did not care for these remarks. It is
not that he was cutting the mountain from morning till evening.
Actually, for him it was an additional work, as he had to support his
family and it would have been impossible if he was not working on land
or cutting stone for his survival. Whenever, he was without work or
holidays, he would start cutting the stones himself. No body came to
support him. He did not have the tools to cut big rocky stones;
neither had he had money, the only thing that was with him, ‘courage
and determination, against all the odds which exist in our
communities. It was a complete madness towards his work and to relieve
people from hardship.

Slowly some of the people realized that he was really into it, so
they would help him with voluntary work for time to time. It is rather
strange that the government and its authorities were completely
unmindful of his work. It shows why a major part of India is still out
of governance and people have to depend on their own self for their
development. Such a major work was done by a man and his community
and yet it remained unseen, unheard, unreported and unchecked. Yet,
Baba completed his task by 1982 by cutting about 300 meter long and 25
ft wide mountain and therefore converting the distance of 75 kilometer
to just 1 kilometer and it became easier particularly those on cycles
and motor bikes to take their elderly people to the nearest town for
medical aid. Today, you see streams of people using the way. Women
going to forest, getting grass for their pets while motor bikers,
cyclists and other villagers are using this path. And this has reduced
their burden and pains. Today, Baba has slipped into folklore as a
folk hero as people are constructing a temple for him. A local
organization has painted the rock on the way saying that legendary
Dashrath Majhi completed this herculean task of linking Ghivra mauja
of Dashrath Nagar, in Gehlaur Ghati to Atara Prakhand, Wajirganj by
reducing the distance from 75 kilometer to just one kilometer, in 22
years.

But after three years of death, none of the promises made by the Bihar
government have been fulfilled. Baba’s lonely son Bhagirath is a
physically challenged man. His daughter in law, Basanti Devi suffers
from physical disability. Baba’s daughter Lavangi Devi too lives in
the house along with others as they have a small semi constructed
house. Daughter in law Basanti Devi cook mid day meal in the nearby
primary school while her husband Bhagirath get Rs 200/- pension every
month but not because of any love for Baba but for ‘disability’
reasons. The total land they got was about 1.5 acre which they got
along with other villagers long back.

While the family now knows that their Baba was not just a useless mad
man but did something for the society yet Basanti Devi was not amused,
‘He did nothing for us. What have we got from his work? Our children
are starving and no way to educate them. The government promised us 5
acre land but it never came’. One can understand the frustration of
the family members as for them the issue of the survival of their
children is more important. Though they know that Baba did wonder yet
they feel that the government has not really honored its words.
Somewhere they feel that Baba would have asked more from the
government so that they could have lived a better life.

Their Indira Awas is still incomplete. The huts are not enough to keep
the family better. In one side, the family keeps the photographs of
Dasharath. His son and daughter and their children live together
though cook separately. Yet, they are hoping against hope as people
come and seek their interview.

The situation is pathetic and though the area is open and wide yet a
community can not live on ‘fresh air’. It needs work. The road network
is now being developed in the area. But one wonder how long will it
take. Not many efforts by the government to change the life of the
people. No medical assistance, no proper school for the
children.Baba’s grand daughter Lakhsmi who is nearly 15 ( I could say
less than that) is a married girl. She could not get admission to
Kasturba Balika Vidyalaya. She does not know why but most of the
children complained about that. She can just read and write and
perhaps completed her Vth standard.

The children are hungry and asking for more. The mother beat them for
lack of food and virtually annoying. The house is incomplete and in a
mess. Tears rolls down from Basanti Devi as she starts talking about
Baba and narrate their own plight.’ People come here, ask about Baba,
his work and passion, but we remain the same’. We have nothing to eat.
I do not know what to tell people about Baba but if they want to see
how government honors people, they can see our conditions.’ Actually,
after Nitish Kumar government honored Baba, a lot of media hype was
created added with Maha Dalit slogan of Bihar government. Nitish had
actually called Dashrath Majhi to Patna and asked him to sit in front
of him said his son Bhagirath. They were elated at this respect shown
by the most powerful man of Bihar but then little did they know that
politicians will do everything to gain political gains. Mushahars may
not matter as voters for them but honoring Dashrath Majhi gave
tremendous good will of the Dalit communities in Bihar.

The village of Dashrath Majhi need a facelift. It need not only
electricity and proper road network which is coming up but also
development of the community. Often, social activists working among
Mushahars, blame them for their laziness and social attitude, but a
man called Dashrath Majhi has given example how legends can come from
any community. It is time that Bihar government honor its promises
made to Dashrath Majhi, take care of the entire Mushahar community,
provide them alternative livelihood and make life of Dashrath Majhi as
part of the school text books. If the government of Bihar is really
sincere towards its promises, it should initiate special schemes for
Mushahars in the name of Dashrath Majhi and create more schools with
special reference for the poor children, apart from a full fledged
government hospital. That would be the best tribute to the man who
moved mountain for the benefit of fellow human being and epitomize the
tremendous will of human spirit.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-29 16:34:17 UTC
Permalink
http://www.mynews.in/News/Crisis_of_ideological_constructs_or_war_for_human_rights_N26647.html

Crisis of ideological constructs or war for human rights

Posted On: 26-Sep-2009 08:48:58
News Source: Vidya Bhushan Rawat

‘You mother f….r, how dare you write about implementing ceiling laws
in the Tarai region of Uttarakhand. We will take enough care if you
dare to come here’, came a response to my article on my blog written
after the completion of the padyatra related to land issues in
Uttarakhand.

Such responses are not new to me as they keep coming. ‘ I have not
read an idiotic article like this’, was a response to my review
article on Telengana in mynews.in yesterday. Another one wrote, ‘ how
much money are you getting in to divide Hindu society’.. you are
fortunate enough that you are not born in China and Pakistan, he
wrote, otherwise you would have seen what could have done to you..

Just a few years back during the anti Mandal agitation initiated by
the caste Hindus in the AIIMS, Delhi, I got a number of hate mail at
the CNN-IBN blogs as perhaps I was among very few to question their
‘meritocracy’. ‘You beggar quotawallah, go beg at Connaught place
first, then seek a reserve job’, wrote some one. Times of India
mentioned it as ‘apartheid’ against ‘poor’ upper caste. It is a
discrimination against the upper caste, it intended to say.

Is there a problem in our thinking process ? Are we not ready to
accept diversent view point ? And whose divergent view point as at the
end of the day, there are ideologies and perceptions which force us to
act violently against those we disagree. Hence, a Taslima is unwelcome
as she is threat to Islam, M.F. Hussein, at the age of 90, has become
a ‘threat’ to our omnipotent-omnipresent gods. Children are killed
when they dare to marry against their parental desires. Dalits are
killed if their raise their head and claim to be equal national of the
country.

Therefore it is important to understand as what is the attitudinal or
ideological problem with Indians? Are they afraid of ideologies? Do
they take shelter in fake ideological constructs and live in their own
world. The biggest problem with them is that they live in double
standard. They speak two languages, one for their children and
different for outsider. So a majority of the high profile ‘ideologues’
could not sale Marxism and Maoism to their children, then why they are
selling the same to the tribal, I debated. ‘Oh no, our children are
separate. We can not decide about them. They have their freedom, why
do you want them to be controlled’, they say. ‘But then why you want
to control others’. ‘You give everything to your children’s growth’,
look for Its, finding space for them in US and UK, why, I said. ‘Oh,
that is not to be debated. How can we do that? Mulayam Singh, the
great disciple of Lohia wanted English to be boycotted so he sent his
son Akhilesh to Doon school and then to Australia. Late Charan Singh
condemned computer education and modern sciences as threat to
agriculture, hence Ajit Singh went to United States to study computer
sciences when computer was unheard thing in India. Clear enough, in
this double standard, we sale Marxism, socialism, Hinduism,
Christianity and Maoism to tribal and capitalism to our children. You
see most of the Hindutva ideologues actually came from the best
college of Delhi called St Stephens College.

Who were two biggest dissenters in Indian social system. The first
was Buddha and thousands of years later it was Ambedkar. And since
accepting dissent is not a part of any of these traditions which
claims to revolutionary or uniting Hindus or political ideology of the
day, we find attack against them in each and every form. Buddha
Viharas were attacked and Buddhists were annihilated. Ambedkar was
scorned at for ‘dividing’ Hindus and termed as a very ‘ordinary’
scholar.

No, neither Buddha, nor Ambedkar can help the Dalits, only Marx can
help them, wrote Rang Nayakamma, an old upper caste romantic of
communism in Andhra Pradesh in her book ‘For the solution of caste
question’. How many of these revolutionaries staged a battle against
social evils in India. If that is not important for them, then why
they expect the Dalits to join them. Rang Nayakamma wrote passionately
like Arun Shourie, against Ambedkar.

She blamed Ambedkar as why it took him so long for converting to
Buddhism. Why Ambedkar attacks Marx and glorify Buddha. In the entire
book, Rangnaykamma’s brahmanical past is visible even when she can
claim to be a Marxist and that has been the problem with most of the
upper caste Marxists who remain arrogant to their brahmanical roots.
For them, a shudra does not have the intellect. Even when the
Hindutva’s saffron brigade is busy in social engineering, the
brahmanical Marxist have not been able to provide Dalits a space in
their scheme of things. Writes Nayakamma in her chapter ‘ Caste
Question : Ambedkar has changed religion ( page 407), ‘ The moment he
start writing, there began a baseless confidence in Ambedkar that is a
great intellectual. There emerged a kind of false logic namely,
‘whatever, I wrote is logic’. This is the true story of brahmanical
Marxists whose problem with Ambedkar is that he gave Dalits an
understanding to assert themselves. Who knows Nayakammas and all those
who have great appreciation for her ‘radical’ views can understand
that her writings are pure brahmanical frustration because of growing
Dalit assertion. That assertion is not really visible among the tribal
and that is the reason the brahmanical revolutionaries are leading
them. She goes on to condemn those who admire ambedkar saying that ‘
Biographers of Ambedkar glorified every aspect of his research,
however inconsistent and haphazard it may have been. There is not a
single instance where they raised the question namely, ; what is this
argument’? what kind of research is this?

She further writes in Vartha, a Telugu daily (quoted in her book):
Since Ambedkar was favorable to the exploitation of labour, all his
Dalit disciples too took the same path and ‘turned their faces away’
from Marxism. It is such a stupid path that makes them incapable of
knowing whether they are doing good or harm to themselves’.( page 421)

Many of us know how veteran Sharad Patil has been writing for long the
theory of Buddha, Phule, Ambedkar Marx philosophy as a remedy to
current situation in India. How do you do it with the current short of
Marxists in India who do not want to share, who remain ‘consistent’ in
their condemnation of Ambedkar. Why Arun Shourie and Rangnayakmma hate
Ambedkar. Is it because, Ambedkar’s Dalits have charted their path on
their own and not through the farcical brahmanical revolution? And
yes, it does not mean condemning Marx but they will simply not make a
God of Marx like the Marxists have done. Ofcourse, Ambedkarite Dalits
can not accept Gandhism and its so-called virtues as way to their
salvation. Actually right from left, right, centre, Hindutva or
missionary variety, in their action they did not have time to speak up
against the exploitation of labour in the villages and caste dimension
of it. Instead, Hindutva ideologue people like Shourie calls him a
British supporter while so called Marxist like Rangnakamma blame him
for supporting the exploiter. Can there be any truth in such vicious
campaign and propaganda? Yes Ambedkar condemned three classes which
he says British, Brahmin and Bania and the real meanings of these
should be understood. By British he meant imperialist forces, Brahmin
symbolizing brahmanical Hinduism and Bania, he meant capitalism. How
can any one suggest that Ambedkar did not speak against capitalism.
Those who have read him know that he wanted to nationalized land. Now
was that a capitalist agenda? He formed Indian Labour party, Depressed
Classes, Republic party of India.. where did he put caste identity in
focus in these. Did he deny any class or caste entry in his movement ?

Marx has been a great revolutionary and his vision still stand for an
equitable society. But why Marxist hate Buddha and then Ambedkar is
beyond understanding. If Buddha waged relentless war against
superstition and caste system, why should not Indian follow him? After
all, Buddha was born much before Marx. How did the caste Hindus kill
both Buddha and Marx together in their pursuit for power? One has to
understand the tribal question deeply as why the tribal leadership is
unable to emerge and in the name of tribal liberation it is the
brahmanical forces which are dominant in the region. ‘They can not
fight their own battle, said a friend, so these revolutionaries are
there. Why can not tribal fight their own battle when they had a Birsa
Munda who revolted against the British.

The other day, an ideologue from Andhra said on Times Now,’ the
Maoists are like Bhagat Singh, fighting against state repression’. It
is tragic to do such a comparison that easily. Bhagat singh had never
justified violence and in fact wrote about the issue of untouchability
as the biggest challenge to our society. Secondly, Bhagat Singh never
lived in double standard. At the age of 23, he went to gallows and
scolded his parents who wanted to get pardon from the British. Who had
the courage to openly claim himself as an atheist and demolish all the
religious symbolism from his body? In fact, that is the problem with
our modern day Gandhian historians that they never considered anybody
else for contributing to our freedom struggle, other than Gandhi and
his followers. Bhagat Singh was just branded as gun trotting
revolutionary and not an ideologue who defended freedom and secular
values. They do not feel that Bhagat Singh while fighting against
British imperialism concentrated on our own weaknesses of caste
system, untouchability and communalism.

The other day, some human rights activists claimed that state is
killings hundreds of people and we must speak against them. But who
stops human rights activists to not to speak against those who are
killing the innocent. ‘No, in the war these things are justified, they
say. Fine, in the war, the state will also use its might and that too
is justified despite human rights activists like us asking the police
and military to follow norms, but practically where have these norms
followed in war? Redcross, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch,
all know it well that human rights are violated heavily in arms
conflict. Their pressure makes a lot of things during no war period
but during war, only the gun speaks.

Problem is that brahminism in India has various roots to survive. It
is monster and has different forms. Some where it survives through
pure Manuwaad, we all know, the gangs of Hindutva and their cousins
elsewhere. It comes through socialism, it come through communism, it
come through all shorts of ism including the Dalits themselves. How is
that every perception in India failed because of this. Reason is that
India needed social revolution and we opted for political one. I do
not say that only caste matter (Ofcourse it is the most important
aspect) and class too matters. Why can not our friend take both as
Ambedkar visualized in his famous work ‘ thought on Pakistan’ when he
said that ‘Hindu Rastra would be a calamity’.

Problem is that in the human rights discourse, we are conveniently
using ideological slants for our purposes. Hence those who are not
with left leanings become a right wing. If you are not with RSS then
you are seculars, communists and what not. I am proud to be a secular
whether they want to use it in negative term or something else. The
problem is that none of them appreciate freedom. Some keep conspicuous
silence when Taslima speaks, while others want to raise the issue of
MF Hussein and his paintings. The issue of Satanic verses would be
raised by one set of freedom fighters while others would demand a ban
on riddles of Hinduism written by Ambedkar. So, whenever the
opportunity comes closed mind will not allow this freedom. That is
why, Ambedkar is a problem for all the closed mind. Ambedkar was
essentially a modern man, a liberal democrat who could not close his
eyes to global changes. He was a free thinker who challenged the
supremacy of the religious text books. He knew that Indian society has
no respect for individual and he believed in it and perhaps these are
things which were not liked by those people who lionize a particular
ideology, do not believe in individual freedom and have nothing to
offer to demolish the age old prejudices and our very indigenous
capitalist order entirely based on your identities.

This article is not against a particular short of ideology. It is
basically on issues that in the name of ideologies, we are justifying
everything, human pain and agony. How can it be in a modern democracy
where each life should be considered precious? For those in
authorities, it is prudent that the ideology need a counter ideology.
If development fail to reach to the people, if social justice is not
there in our villages, if India still remain caged to feudal mindset,
if our village resources, our rivers, our mountains are on sale on
throw away prices then Mr Chidambaram and his team will have to do a
lot of soul searching.

Step out side Raipur and you will see the big companies lining up in
Chhatishgarh. Jindal tops the list with thousands of hectares of land
being granted to them for mining. Hundreds others are there to
‘develop’ Chhatishgarh. Tribals remain sandwiched between the two.
They have lost their land. Chhatishgarh is being colonized now by the
non Chhatishgarhis, big companies and Babas and sadhus. And where are
the poor? Mr Chidambaram would do well to take a round in the city of
Raipur’s famous Rajkumar college in the morning hours and watch the
irony of large cue of people waiting to defecate in open even when
there is a Sulabh Shauchalaya. It means that people can buy rice at
one rupee kilogram but no money to defecate as the charges in the
public toilet are higher then the price of rice in the state.

Where ever the political set up failed non democratic forces took up.
The tribal who have been exploited for years gets new hope in those
who give them ‘instant’ justice. There is a Vth schedule of
constitution where you need permission of the village panchayat for
starting any new private ventures? But how many times have the
government cared to speak to them. So, the result is growing
disenchantment among them. They have lost their habitat and without
addressing the basic issue of land, forest and water, the government
would not be able to tackle whole issue. Those who have isolated the
tribal population must be made answerable to them. In the meanwhile,
each one of the revolutionaries from Hindutva’s saffron gangs to
Christian Missionaries to Naxals, will sandwich tribal except from the
tribal themselves. Each one of them consider themselves as
‘protecting’ tribal from ‘outside’ influence but at the end of day
none of them actually belong to tribal themselves. It is time when we
address the issues of the people’s exploitation without being indulged
in the ‘greatness’ of ideologies. Greatness of ideologies lies in the
emancipation of human being and not on controlling their minds. Let us
defend the human rights of all but let not human rights become
instrument for those who spread hatred and violence.

On the other side which is equally darker, let not the ‘threat’ of
terrorism become an instruments to violate human rights of the people.
Let not every padyatra, slogan, publication which question the motives
of the government become a target of security agencies in the name of
‘fight against terror’. It is a very delicate battle and the
responsibility on the state is higher as on the human rights activists
too. The more you oppress the common man, the bigger will be the
fascination for ‘revolution’.

It is time we speak against oppression and for human rights. Let us
condemn violence in unequivocal term. It is time we rise up against
social injustice. The seeds of social democracy should reach each part
of the civilization. Let ideologies not become bigger than the human
liberty. Let human right discourse does not become good or bad because
of a personal perception based on basic political principals and
conditioning of our mind, after all, the movement for social justice,
the principals of human rights too came from hard core struggles of
the masses. It is time we accept criticism with open heart. Speak
against the perception and not on individual. Those who believe that
only ideology can counter ideology must come up with ideological
arguments to spread their ideology. With a gun in hand to promote
their ‘democratic’ ideas would not work and will definitely not do
justice to millions of those whose name this entire battle is being
fought.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-29 16:37:16 UTC
Permalink
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Betrayal of the cause of Telangana

Posted On: 16-Sep-2009 03:25:21
News Source: Vidya Bhushan Rawat

New Delhi: One of the most important struggles for a separate state in
India is definitely that of Telangana state. Unfortunately,
immediately after partition, when the state of Hyderabad merged into
Indian Union, various new states were being formed or re-formed on the
basis of languages. Big states like Madras, Hyderabad were recreated
on the basis of languages. So part of Telugu speaking areas in
erstwhile Madras state and other areas from the state of Nizam formed
the part of new Andhra.

The history of Telangana’s movement lies in its struggle against the
autocratic Nizam who sucked the blood of its Telugu populace and was
not willing to accede to Indian union against the wishes of the
majority of its people. Hence, when the new state were being
formalised, the issue of Telangana ceded to the Telugu maître of maha
Andhra issue simply because the political parties and their leaders
succumbed to the temptation of their caste politics, ofcourse, in the
name of linguistic affinity. I know such facts are not accepted in
politics but anybody can guess the politics of Andhra Pradesh in the
post independent era is actually the politics of power grab between
two powerful communities of Reddy and Kamma.

Therefore it is tragic that a movement so popular and widespread
could not culminate into the formation of a new state. Who are the
forces responsible for this? Why Telengana is still a far away dream?
Have the political class betrayed the cause of telengana? What about
the cultural movement? Why have the intellectuals and social activists
of Telengana remained mute? If not why were they not able to translate
people’s anger into a focused movement for the formation of a new
state? These are questions which the authors of this book are looking.
‘ Civil society is yet to create the intellectual tool and action
plans that can distinguish people’s politics from power politics’
says the authors of the book,’ Telangana : The state of Affairs’.

The editors acknowledge that there is very little information about
Telangana in other languages as well as outside Andhra Pradesh. ‘One
drawback is that most of the available material in print about
Telangana can only be accessed by readers in Telugu’, they write. That
brings us to a new point which I consider as a draw back of this book
or may be of that of Telangana movement. The reason for my discomfort
is that there is not a single chapter devoted to the demand for
autonomy in other parts of the country. It is natural for people who
have been left on the margins to call for a separate state and for
more fiscal autonomy. Telangana was not the first one to demand for
it. It will not be the last one. We all know how the anti Hindi
agitation in Tamilnadu in the 1950s and 1960s shook entire India. The
fact is very clear that Tamilnadu had a distinct identity and it
aspired for it and did not succumb to the pressure of the central
leadership. It resulted in a unique situation of this state that
except for a brief period, Tamilnadu rejected the national parties and
powerful castes. It is another matter that the less powerful castes
now have become more powerful and replicating the brahmanical ‘wisdom’
in Tamilnadu but that is another matter of discussion at a separate
place. Andhra’s politics remained loyal to strong Centre. In fact it
provided strength to Congress party and its leadership in Delhi.
Andhra Pradesh got that symptom very late in the formation of Telugu
Desham but the fact is that the formation of Telugu Desham was not
really a demand for more autonomy to Andhra but more as a counter to
the Reddy domination of Congress Party. Till that period, Andhra’s
Reddy’s dominated the political discourse and occupied all the space
including the so-called revolutionary space. One has nothing against
them in person but the fact that such a monopoly over the political
cultural space in Andhra Pradesh resulted in doom of the politics of
marginalized in AP. In the past 15 years the Kamma, Reddy dominated
Andhra Pradesh has witnessed significant marginalization of the
Dalits, Apasis and backward classes. Both Chandra Babu Naidu and YSR
Rajshekar Reddy became big magnet and darling of the upper caste media
and corrupt business companies. The tragedy of the entire state is
that no credible leadership has emerged from the marginalised
communities and even the social movements have been hijacked by the
powerful communities. The result is that Mao and Marx have failed by
the brahmanical system and their deep rooted caste conspiracy to
sideline everything that come in their way.

That gives rise to my question. How come a leader of another power
community called Velma, lead the voices of the marginalized in
Telengana. Since Telangana remained part of the Nizam and even the
left wing forces fought battle for independence the communalization of
Telangana is not ruled out. Hence, it is an ideal ground for the
Hindutva forces. One must not feel that BJP is not present in
Telengana. The agenda of Hindutva does not lie with a particular
party. Their agenda is to Hinduise the political parties and we have
seen that systematic Hindutvaisation of the political parties in India
who works on the agenda of the Sangh Parivar. Narsimha Rao’s
connections with the Sangh parivar dates back from the days of anti
Nizam struggle in the region. The dominant party of Telangana joined
hand with everyone from BJP to Congress for its pursuit to power but
could not force them to accede to its demand for a separate state when
they were in power in centre. Now the Congress actually rubbished them
and got a majority of seats in the last Vidhan Sabha elections in May
2009.

So consolidation of all the ‘Hindu’ votes against a Muslim challenge
could bring some more vote to powerful party of Telengana but at the
end of the day defeat the very purpose of the movement. Any movement
is the result of the marginalization and ostracisation of communities.
In the case of Telengana, it is basically Dalits and other
marginalized. Similarly Chhatishgarh, Jharkhand were tribal states and
remained marginalized under the Madhya Pradesh and Bihar.
Uttarakhand’s case is different. It was a mountain state and the
Pahadis were considered to be inferior in not only Delhi but also in
other parts of Uttar-Pradesh. Little funds were allocated for
educational and other developmental programmes. A majority of Netas
and ministers hailed from the Uttar-Pradesh were least bothered about
hills as they were not able to influence the power politics of an
elephantine state of Uttar-Pradesh. Yet, not all Pahadis were equal in
socio-economic status, as the Brahmins of Uttarakhand actually were
among the most powerful in India. Some of these Brahmin families ruled
Uttar-Pradesh hence leader became bigger then the state and the cause
of the state remained marginalized. It is not a tragedy that the
biggest obstacle of the Uttarakhand state was Narain Dutt Tiwari but
he was imposed on a state which did not fight elections under him. So,
the brahmanical leadership is actually powerful in denigrating others
and creating artificial differences in the name of religion, region
and castes.

Demand for autonomy has been one of the major reasons of discontent
in India. Right from Kashmir to North Eastern regions like Nagaland,
Manipur, Meghalaya states have been demanding more autonomy and
freedom. Punjab suffered a lot under it. However, there is a wider
difference between these movements for autonomy is that while
movements for self determination in Kashmir, Manipur and Nagaland, yet
a good linkage to understand the issues of the people and their voices
for freedom and autonomy.

In the chapter ‘Subregionalism in India : The case of Telangana’,
Duncan B Forrester, says “ it remains true that it is not possible to
distinguish Telangana sharply from the rest of Andhra Pradesh in terms
of caste’. He writes : ‘ Non Brahmin feeling was never as strong in
the Telugu Country as in Tamilnadu, but nevertheless Brahmin dominance
was gradually challenged by rising non Brahmin castes, particularly,
the Kammas, and Reddies who tended initially to support justice party
and the Andhra Movement, finding themselves at loggerheads with each
other only after setting up of Andhra Pradesh in 1953.’

Actually, a comparison would have helped analyse things much better
how certain powerful communities dominates each state. So whether you
get a state or not, the question is that we are imposing a democratic
value system on a society which remain highly antidemocratic and
feudal. Hence The issue of mulkis and non mulkis is evident in other
parts of the country. Uttarakhand never got the right due from Uttar-
Pradesh. Since the region had only 25 seats and the contempt for the
people of uttarakhand was high.. Vidarbha is complaining the same from
Maharastra, Darjeeling asking for its right from West Bengal, Bodos
are asking the same from Assam and Chhatishgarh had similar problem
with Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand always remained undeveloped under
Bihar. Leaders became bigger than the movement.

A number of activist friends from Telangana always claimed to have a
unique ‘cultural’ difference between Telangana and Andhra Pradesh.
However, these distinctions exists every where including those states
which have been created in past 10 years.

I however disagree with the point that ‘subregional conflicts can
break down caste political solidarity in a different way and force
state politics to concern itself not so much with balancing the claims
of significant caste groups as with balancing the claims of various
areas with in the state to equality of treatment, particularly in
economic development. Actually the article was written by the author
in the late sixties and that time the popular media and popular
intellectual discourse was pided between Congress and the left forces.
That time any talk of the Dalits and Apasis or backward communities
was considered as ‘caste’ approach. However, witnessing the
degradation of the Marxian principals hijacked by the upper caste
landlords, one can easily say that a new caste identity of the Dalits
and backward communities along with Apasis is the need of the hour to
save the Telangana movement being hijacked by the same forces as
happened with other states particularly in Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and
Chhatishgarh. In all these states, the forces of Hindutva were the
first to do the social engineering while the social strata of the self
proclaimed revolutionaries remained highly feudal and upper caste. One
can not shy away from the fact that the leadership of the Telangana
movement largely drawn strength from specific communities with the
Dalit communities simply jumping in their bandwagon without focusing
on the issue of their identity.

N.Venugopal in his essay ‘ Demand for separate Telangana Towards
Understanding the Core issues, has pointed out the regional
inequalities. He explained the Telangana struggle in historical
perspective. He argues the inequalities during the Nizam’s period
against the Telugu Speaking people as well as Kannada speaking people.
I think we make mistake here too. A number of Muslims living in
Telangana regions have not benefited from the Nizam’s rule. A few of
them might have got benefit in the name of their religion but majority
of them remained under the poverty line. The biggest damage to the
cause of Telangana was caused by the power elite of Andhra Pradesh
which hobnobbed with Congress party at the centre. It brings us back
to question that castes matter a lot in India. So, for the power elite
of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana cropped up only according to convinence
and not really a matter of conviction.

The historical cultural evolution of Telangana is not reflected
outside Andhra Pradesh. The activists feel they are special but they
should also understand that the communist fighters fought against
Nizams, so were many other forces. Like any other movement in India,
in Telengana too, no efforts were made to understand the discontents
among the Dalits against the upper caste leadership of the movement.
While the leaders hobnobbed with power elites and played with the
sentiments of the people, it is important to understand the feeling M
Bharat Bhushan in his analysis mention that initially it might have
been a movement against resistance and crossed caste, class and
religion differences but it looks today that ‘movement’ by political
class is basically to monopolise the power structure, resorting
emotional blackmail, non people means of the movement which he says
are political one upmanship, Unpredictability of the political class,
but I would prefer to use the term ambiguity of the political class is
another reason for inability to get a separate state. So Bharat is
right in saying that a Telengana for TRS may be different than what a
large number of activists think. Like activists who died for the cause
of Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and Chhatishgarh today feel betrayed as the
leadership in these states remains the hands of status quoists. Most
of the chief ministers that Uttarakhand have so far, whether under BJP
or Congress are Brahmins who constitute not more than 20% of the
population. The Chief Ministers in Chhatishgarh is a non tribal at the
moment.

There is no guarantee that such things will not happen in Telangana if
state comes into being. That the elected representatives become more
loyal to their party and party leaders then to their constituents. If
there is any uniqueness of Telangana struggle then the activists,
students, academics should join hand and start a social movement. The
voices of marginalized should lead the movement of Telangana. If a
separate Telangana have the same order as existed in Andhra Pradesh, I
am afraid it would become more dangerous than Andhra Pradesh. Let me
put some more points for cause of three states that were carved out.
Uttarakhand came into being because BJP wanted a state where upper
caste interests remain intact as people were unhappy with the Mandal
commission recommendations. It was essentially a movement against
Mandal Commission Reports that resulted in building of Uttarakhand
state. Chhatishgarh and Jharkhand were created to facilitate the World
Bank and transnational corporations. Since Andhra government was
already facilitating things for the neo liberal policies, there was no
need for a separate state here. One has to understand the factor that
the day any government creates problems for facilitation of SEZs or
SAZs, the power games would offer you a separate state in platter.

Telangana’s marginalized people have suffered a lot from the hands of
the power elite of Andhra. In an article ‘Do elections foster
separatism : The case of Telangana’ written by Dean E McHenry suggest
if he goes by the election results of 2004 assembly elections and 2006
Karimnagar byeelection when Telangana Rastra Samiti members
overwhelmingly got support from the masses. But I have not ready to
take this argument the reason for separatism. The original demand for
separate state is caused by a variety of issues such as socio-economic
marginalization, cultural gaps and continuous exploitation of
resources. As revealed in the book itself how Telangana produced more
revenue and how the State Reorganisation Committee Report was rejected
by the government.

As far as the book is concern, it contains very important documents,
articles and annexures which I have seen for the first time. Stories
such as Golla Ramavva written by PV Narsimha Rao and Land by Allam
Rajayya are also part of it. However, I would definitely have loved if
such stories are reproduced which comes from the communities
themselves. People like Narsimha Rao were proclaimed intellectuals but
at the end of the day they contributed very little for the cause of
Telangana and its culture. It is important to note that mere by being
born in a region does not make a person concerned about its identity.
Rao presided over a communal regime in Delhi(despite being a congress
person), opened up India’s land for the grab by the international
companies as well as our own feudal lords in the name of
‘globalisation’, just to counter the growing assertion and awareness
among the Dalits and marginalized in the post Mandal era’s India.

The annexures contains State Re-organisation Commissions Report,
Gentlemen agreement in 1956, Six point formula issued on September
21st, 1973 by Andhra politicians, article 371D i.e. special provisions
with respect to Andhra Pradesh, Order of Government of Andhra Pradesh
in 1975 on the issue of recruitment of local cadres. All these
information are very relevant to understand the crisis of Telangana.
They are important document which reflect clearly how the cause of
Telangana was betrayed by the people in power. It is important that
such documents need to be analysed fairly so that generations may know
how the issue of backwardness of a region is tackled by our political
class and how the ambition of a few makes way for the miseries of the
majority.

The Telangana debate must continue. Even if political Telangana is
not there, let there be efforts to develop the socio-cultural values
of Telangana. It is time to know who betrayed of the cause of
Telengana state in the struggle for which 370 students and youths were
killed in the police firing, and for the loss of academic year in
1969. If the state could not become a reality then time is to fix
responsibility. That can only happen if there is a movement which has
mass support and which is not based on sentiments but positive thought
of what makes Telangana and its people different than Andhra people
despite their common language and common castes? Can we expect that
Telangana will not have the politics of the domination of two or three
power communities in like Andhra? If the Andhra dominant theory is
repeated here in Telangana, then there is no point fighting for such a
state as it would be more damaging to the cause of the people of
Telangana.

This book can be termed as good beginning for people like me who are
far away from the living realities of Telangana but who were always
fascinated by the people’s struggle of Telangana. Definitely it is an
entry point for all those who wish to understand socio-cultural crisis
of Telangana and its polity. One hope that the authors will not end
with this only and will bring more such volumes so that people get
evidence based information on the issue of Telangana and may
understand its uniqueness.

Telangana : The State of Affairs

Editors : M Bharath Bhushan

N. Venugopal

Published in August 2009

Publisher L AdEd Velue Ventures,

Hyderabad

Price : Rs 250

Pages : 210

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-29 16:39:48 UTC
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Discussion Board

There are total 5 comments

by Kiran on 17-Sep-2009

Most Idiotic story i ever read trying to provoke the idea of dividing
a region just for the purpose of political aspects. Bringing all the
old things which are not necessary to be reminded of. People of both
the states donot wnat to be poor and divided. We want to be together.
This sense is abscent in the writer. I suggest that he is to be sent
to the north indian states which were recently divided.. and asked to
make a report of its status. The writer is trying to just gain some
importance. Does the writer have no work ? Please donot initiate the
policy of divide and rule again.. Let the state be peaceful and
together

by Vidya Bhushan Rawat on 24-Sep-2009

Hi, You can also find my report of Uttarakhand, where I walked nearly
500 kilometer around a year back.. so about new state, you can find me
writing on these issues including that of Chhatishgarh, Jharkhand and
uttarkhand.. by the way, I was born in the beautiful mountains of
Uttarakhand.. ofcourse, I live in Delhi.. aur kya jankari
chahiye..India is my home and i work whereever I am needed.. i am
unable to concentrate on writing because of my work with communities..
I do not get internet and mobile access most of the time.. so
dhanyawaad for caring so much..

by Ram on 25-Sep-2009

This all up to the central government to decide about. Why you people
are fighting?

by Gurinder Singh Azad on 28-Sep-2009

Indeed good piece of work Mr. Rawat. While reading your write up, I
find it more of a fact finding report and then, a good book review. It
has become very informative and knowledgeable, in fact. However, in
this regard, I must say, no matter even if issues are centuries old,
if they centre human rights issues or concern pride of any ignored/
sidelined community, no nation can proceed further without paying
genuine and adequate heed to the problems lying in the foundation of
such struggles. Telangana issue is one of such issues. It is in fact a
story of every discomfort state/region where movements and struggles
have taken birth to draw attention of mainstream and government for
the establishment of their respectful existence without any
discrimination. I know, there is a category of people who beat the
drum of democracy and declare such strugglers anti social elements and
such movements undemocratic. However, neither this elite could leave
their casteist mind nor come up with a humanist approach to understand
strugglers’ involved basics. Casteist political parties and leaders
have well played their role in this betrayal of Telangana. No matter
RSS or Congress, when it comes to casteism, they all are same. But,
indubitably, there can’t be a permanent escape from these basic
issues. Alleged governments will have to answer every situation that
causes biased-democracy. Elite class (mostly upper castes and the
privileged ones) talk of unity of India pretending true Indians and
boast of it being the biggest democracy in the world. However, why
this democracy could not ensure dignity and secure human rights of
everyone, on this very issue every one of them is silent or has
orthodox and inhuman reasons. Therefore, it is natural for oppressive
community to ask for their rights even if it goes against democracy.
For feudal minds it seems it has become very ’impossible’ thought to
understand the twinge of dalits in the dearth of sensitivity. In such
a scenario, dalit assertion is growing as a need of the time, no
matter if this elite class doesn’t understand their problems. Hence,
struggles at many levels had been and would keep on occurring
incessantly until complete equality prevails. In the countries like
India, democracy carries different meanings for different people
according to the situation/position one has in the society. For
ingenious people it is different and for dalit it is dissimilar. When
later ask for their rights, former jumps to declare them anti-social
elements and deviate from the questions of equality. Now, in this
situation, where can oppressed class go except to accept this imposed
struggle? The matter of the fact is this who is at stake, later or
sooner, struggles and who is not, sees its stake in that happening
struggle since they know that in the name of democracy (actually
biased democracy) they have sucked blood of dalits and have made them
victim for thousands of years. Possession on all natural resources and
national capital by few upper castes and every comfort for elite
class… what is this democracy all about? Where are the rights of and
benefits for dalits and tribals? Every question needs interrogation of
Casteist politics if someone actually is dreaming for a true
democracy. Telagana struggle is a very basic and natural struggle in
this way. I must say here that if a democracy is a tool of enjoyment
for only elite class then I don’t mind if a nation gets divided into
hundred pieces; yet finally ensures and secures rights of every human
being and every community regardless caste, religion or any hell kind
of discrimination. So far our political parties did not show their
interest in it and the reasons are well known to everyone now. In
fact, casteist politician did play their mind game before and after
India’s division. Dalit was slave before, and in this democracy,
constitutionally they are equal but under this game plan have become
victim of their own situations. Vicious circle has been tightly built
for them and poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and hell number of
other problems dominates their lives. Most important thing is the
respectful life, a life with dignity which dalits have never enjoyed.
And here is the issue of Telangana struggle which needs to be called a
’natural step’ as it sees its dignity and pride in this built of
Telangana. Mr. V.B. Rawat, you, very genuinely and accurately have
taken up this issue and very candidly have moved ahead with this
burning yet ignored issue of Telangana while reviewing this book; and
I will read it for sure as it is a need of the time. I know this hi-
tech class will find it obsolete and a threat to peace and will
declare it anti-democratic issue as usually, but sensitive minds value
every human being. Injustice to even a single person should not be
tolerated and how the injustice to one entire community can be
ignored? True democracy is a far ahead dream so far but will come true
through such struggles. And so far whatever alleged governments have
done is nothing but was just a bandage on a cancer wound.

by Gurinder Singh Azad on 28-Sep-2009

Indeed good piece of work Mr. Rawat. While reading your write up, I
find it more of a fact finding report and then, a good book review. It
has become very informative and knowledgeable, in fact. However, in
this regard, I must say, no matter even if issues are centuries old,
if they centre human rights issues or concern pride of any ignored/
sidelined community, no nation can proceed further without paying
genuine and adequate heed to the problems lying in the foundation of
such struggles. Telangana issue is one of such issues. It is in fact a
story of every discomfort state/region where movements and struggles
have taken birth to draw attention of mainstream and government for
the establishment of their respectful existence without any
discrimination. I know, there is a category of people who beat the
drum of democracy and declare such strugglers anti social elements and
such movements undemocratic. However, neither this elite could leave
their casteist mind nor come up with a humanist approach to understand
strugglers’ involved basics. Casteist political parties and leaders
have well played their role in this betrayal of Telangana. No matter
RSS or Congress, when it comes to casteism, they all are same. But,
indubitably, there can’t be a permanent escape from these basic
issues. Alleged governments will have to answer every situation that
causes biased-democracy. Elite class (mostly upper castes and the
privileged ones) talk of unity of India pretending true Indians and
boast of it being the biggest democracy in the world. However, why
this democracy could not ensure dignity and secure human rights of
everyone, on this very issue every one of them is silent or has
orthodox and inhuman reasons. Therefore, it is natural for oppressive
community to ask for their rights even if it goes against democracy.
For feudal minds it seems it has become very ’impossible’ thought to
understand the twinge of dalits in the dearth of sensitivity. In such
a scenario, dalit assertion is growing as a need of the time, no
matter if this elite class doesn’t understand their problems. Hence,
struggles at many levels had been and would keep on occurring
incessantly until complete equality prevails. In the countries like
India, democracy carries different meanings for different people
according to the situation/position one has in the society. For
ingenious people it is different and for dalit it is dissimilar. When
later ask for their rights, former jumps to declare them anti-social
elements and deviate from the questions of equality. Now, in this
situation, where can oppressed class go except to accept this imposed
struggle? The matter of the fact is this who is at stake, later or
sooner, struggles and who is not, sees its stake in that happening
struggle since they know that in the name of democracy (actually
biased democracy) they have sucked blood of dalits and have made them
victim for thousands of years. Possession on all natural resources and
national capital by few upper castes and every comfort for elite
class… what is this democracy all about? Where are the rights of and
benefits for dalits and tribals? Every question needs interrogation of
Casteist politics if someone actually is dreaming for a true
democracy. Telagana struggle is a very basic and natural struggle in
this way. I must say here that if a democracy is a tool of enjoyment
for only elite class then I don’t mind if a nation gets divided into
hundred pieces; yet finally ensures and secures rights of every human
being and every community regardless caste, religion or any hell kind
of discrimination. So far our political parties did not show their
interest in it and the reasons are well known to everyone now. In
fact, casteist politician did play their mind game before and after
India’s division. Dalit was slave before, and in this democracy,
constitutionally they are equal but under this game plan have become
victim of their own situations. Vicious circle has been tightly built
for them and poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and hell number of
other problems dominates their lives. Most important thing is the
respectful life, a life with dignity which dalits have never enjoyed.
And here is the issue of Telangana struggle which needs to be called a
’natural step’ as it sees its dignity and pride in this built of
Telangana. Mr. V.B. Rawat, you, very genuinely and accurately have
taken up this issue and very candidly have moved ahead with this
burning yet ignored issue of Telangana while reviewing this book; and
I will read it for sure as it is a need of the time. I know this hi-
tech class will find it obsolete and a threat to peace and will
declare it anti-democratic issue as usually, but sensitive minds value
every human being. Injustice to even a single person should not be
tolerated and how the injustice to one entire community can be
ignored? True democracy is a far ahead dream so far but will come true
through such struggles. And so far whatever alleged governments have
done is nothing but was just a bandage on a cancer wound.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-29 16:49:28 UTC
Permalink
http://www.mynews.in/News/Revivalism_of_religious_rights_is_a_challenge_to_democratic_secular_constitution_N11783.html

Revivalism of religious rights is a challenge to democratic secular
constitution

Posted On: 23-Oct-2008 11:28:00

The threat to Indian statehood is bigger and vital but the response
has been mute and reactionary. Rather than proactive, it is becoming
more in the form of symbols and so called unity of all the
reactionaries who are outside the brahmancial reactions. So, it is
becoming a fight between the Hindu reactionaries and all other
reactionaries who do not like them. Can India survive a fight between
different reactionaries? Where will be the common person and her
interest? All these reactionaries are opposed to basic human rights,
whether right to livelihood, right to choice and right to abort. They
preach gospels and are against individual freedom and right to
question religion.



Immediately after the Delhi bomb blast, the police as usual, claimed
to have cracked the case by arresting several people in a raid at
Batla House, in the South Delhi’s Jamia Nagar area. Vice Chancellor of
Jamia Milia Islamia, Mushir-ul-Hasan, who was seen to be a villain in
the community on his forthright comment on the prohibition of ‘
Satanic Verses’, became a hero as soon as he decided that the
University would provide all the legal assistance to the alleged
terrorists who were student of the University. While ‘seculars’ have
applauded the case, the Hindutva affiliates are up in arm against
this, terming it unconstitutional as well as appeasement of the
Muslims.



I am not entering into this debate on what is right and what is wrong
as some people have decided to become judgmental terming one community
always wrong while other always feel that it is victimized without
introspecting our own self.



Mushirul Hasan recently said in a meeting in Delhi as why should
Muslim always be answerable to everything that is happening around
them. He was actually saying that why do we expect Muslims only to
react when there are bomb blasts or there is a Fatwa. His question was
that the debate liberal verses fundamentalist Muslims is a sham and
nobody ever think of other communities in the same way. Have we ever
talked of a liberal Hindu verses communal one? That question would not
arise as the upper caste Hindus are always perceived to be liberal
one. Prof Hasan suggests as why should Muslims in India be responsible
for whatever happening elsewhere? Ofcourse, Muslims of India are not
responsible for whatever is happening in Bangladesh, Pakistan or any
other ‘Islamic’ country but definitely they can speak against the
treatment that minorities gets in these countries. Let us not speak
about ordinary Muslim who is working harder for his survival in this
country but why should those who champion the cause of Muslims remain
mute to such things. Are we so naïve to say that there is nothing
common in South Asia and we remained neutral to things h

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-30 11:32:56 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/307011_Tirumala-Brahmotsavam-fetches-Rs-12-07-crore

Tirumala Brahmotsavam fetches Rs 12.07 crore
STAFF WRITER 16:17 HRS IST

Tirupati, Sept 30 (PTI) The famous hill shrine of Lord Venkateswara at
Tirumala near here has netted a total income of Rs 12.07 crore during
the nine-day annual Bhrahmotsavam, which concluded last night.

Of this, cash offerings by devotees in the temple 'Hundi' (Offering
Boxes) alone netted about Rs 10.77 crore while sales of Laddu
'prasadam' amounted to Rs 1.16 crore and that of darshan tickets Rs 14
lakh, TTD Executive Officer I Y R Krishna Rao told reporters here
today.

The income from this year's Brahmotsavam was Rs three crore less than
last year during the same period, he said.

About 7.5 lakh devotees thronged the temple to have a darshan of the
presiding deity of Lord Venkateswara during the festival, he added.

Temple sources told PTI that the total income did not include gold and
other precious offerings of devotees and revenue from the TTD
accommodations.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-30 11:34:45 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/306826_Gujarat-govt-slams-fresh-affidavit-in-Ishrat-case

Gujarat govt slams fresh affidavit in Ishrat case
STAFF WRITER 14:54 HRS IST

Ahmedabad, Sep 30 (PTI) Slamming the Centre for filing an additional
affidavit in the Ishrat Jahan case, the Gujarat Government called the
move as double speak aimed at policy of appeasement and vote bank
politics.

"On several occasions, the UPA government had said that the job of the
Central intelligence was to provide inputs while providing security at
the ground level was the job of the respective state governments,"
state government spokesperson Jaynarayan Vyas told PTI.

By filing the affidavit, the UPA government has taken an exactly
opposite stand, he alleged.

Pointing out that the arrest of four would have given the state an
opportunity to question them and get to the mastermind behind the
conspiracy to kill Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, he said, "But
unfortunately, when the police challenged them they opened fire and
were killed in the encounter".

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-09-30 11:58:25 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/306439_Bhadohi-fake-encounter-case--9-policemen-sent-to-jail

Bhadohi fake encounter case; 9 policemen sent to jail
STAFF WRITER 11:23 HRS IST

Varanasi, Sept 30 (PTI) Nearly a decade after four persons were killed
in an alleged fake encounter in adjoining Bhadohi district, nine
policemen wanted in the case surrendered before the local court which
remanded them to judicial custody.

Chief Judicial Magistrate, Bhadohi, Intakhab Alam yesterday rejected
the bail application of the nine policemen and sent them to judicial
custody for 14 days.

Twenty-one other policemen involved in the fake encounter in Bhadohi
on October 17, 1999 are still on the run and the court directed the
police to arrest them.

After filing of the chargesheet in the case on May 1, 2007, the court
had issued summons to all the 30 accused policemen but they failed to
appear before it.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-30 14:50:57 UTC
Permalink
http://battleforhind.wordpress.com/2009/09/30/converting-hindus-to-hindutva/

The Battle Has Begun

Converting Hindus to Hindutva
In Hindutva, Reports on September 30, 2009 at 12:43 pm

Interview with D.R. Goyal, writer and historian.

by Ajoy Ashirwad Mahaprashasta

D.R. Goyal joined the RSS as a schoolboy but realised within a few
years that its professions were not all true.

D.R. GOYAL is known to have written the most authentic account of the
Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), in 1978. He was an RSS member from
1942 to 1947. His analysis of the hate-mongering culture of the RSS
since Independence has earned him great respect in academic circles.
As a school student, he joined the RSS, which projected itself as one
of the organisations fighting for India’s independence, but it did not
take him long to realise that the organisation’s professions were not
necessarily true. Since then, he has been a chronicler of various
developments in this “cultural” organisation.

In 1962, when he was a Delhi University lecturer, he set up a unit of
the Communist Party of India at the university. He later joined
Subhadra Joshi (then Member of Parliament from Jabalpur, who also
holds the distinction of having defeated Atal Bihari Vajpayee) to form
the Sampradayikta Virodhi Manch. The organisation is at present named
the Qaumi Ekta Trust. He has also written a biography of Maulana
Hussain Ahmed Madani of Dar-ul-Uloom and is now working on a book on
Indian madrassas. In an interview to Frontline, the author of
Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh elaborates on how the present crisis
within the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is historically linked to the
RSS.

How do you understand the present crisis in the BJP? What is the role
of the RSS in influencing the BJP’s recent decisions such as the
expulsion of Jaswant Singh, the sidelining of Yashwant Sinha, or the
issuing of a show-cause notice to Arun Shourie?

First of all, I would say that the present situation in the BJP is
like the Mahabharat. Kauravas and Pandavas fighting each other.
Instead of Krishna coming and trying to solve [the conflict], the RSS
jumps in. Though it has always been influencing it, for the first time
the RSS chief has come and issued a public statement before the
Chintan Baithak of the BJP. He made a statement on TV that older
people should retire and the leadership should be given over to people
in their 50s and 60s. This kind of thing has never happened earlier.

Another feature of Mohan Bhagwat’s visit to Delhi was that he did not
even show the courtesy of visiting the ailing Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
who was a major leader of the political formation founded by the RSS
in 1951. Vajpayee was at that time attached to Shyama Prasad Mookerjee
and until the other day he led the party and the BJP government for
six years. So, an ordinary human courtesy required that the head of an
institution that founded the BJP should visit him. Not necessarily for
any consultation, but even Vajpayee’s advice, if he could speak, would
have been useful because he knew people more. Advani, in fact, came
into the political scene much later, only in the 1960s. Before that he
was only an RSS pracharak. Now it seems that Mohan Bhagwat has
displayed a preference for Advani over Vajpayee, which means that he
has rejected all those people who were with Vajpayee.

In other words, for Bhagwat, Jaswant Singh, Arun Shourie, Yashwant
Sinha and all these people are personae non gratae. He didn’t talk to
any of them whereas he talked to everyone who was either with Rajnath
Singh or with Advani. For him, the BJP means only those who are with
Rajnath or Advani. The result of this was that in the Chintan Baithak
of the BJP, no one could discuss the reasons for its defeat, which was
the purpose of the meeting. If it had happened, discussions on
ideology would have come in. The RSS did not want that. All these
days, there have been discussions only about the real role of
Hindutva. Although Advani tried to undermine it, he is known to be a
person who is attached to Hindutva.

In 2002, Vajpayee was in favour of dismissing [Narendra] Modi, but
Advani defended him. So in the RSS’ view, Advani is the real RSS man,
a defender of the RSS’ ideology, not Vajpayee. Therefore anybody who
is attached to Vajpayee has to be discarded.

Now what is the way ahead? Bhagwat says that he can only advise them
[BJP leaders] but cannot suggest. In other words, he doesn’t want to
take names although he has talked to all these people collectively as
well as separately. Talking to [Arun] Jaitley, [Sushma] Swaraj,
[Venkaiah] Naidu, Ananth Kumar means he was talking to people who were
against Rajnath. Therefore, he talked separately to Rajnath.

Another thing to be noticed is that Bhagwat went to Murli Manohar
Joshi’s house for lunch and didn’t go to anybody’s house until then.
Murli Manohar Joshi had not come to meet him. He, therefore, went to
his house. In other words, the RSS has a soft corner for Joshi also.
That is why there is talk that there might be a place for Joshi either
as the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha or as president of
the BJP. What happened at the meeting, one doesn’t know; because the
RSS makes statements that are partial. It has never abdicated its role
as the real mentor of the BJP, or even the Jana Sangh. When the Jana
Sangh was founded, Shyama Prasad Mookerjee was told by [M.S.]
Golwalkar to set up an organisation and the RSS would give it its
cadre but only on condition that its ideology would be promoted. So
this was a political party of the RSS meant to promote Hindutva, which
also means Hindu nationalism. Therefore, if the BJP does anything
against the minorities, the RSS has no objection to it – be it the
2002 Gujarat carnage or Kandhamal and Karnataka in 2008. The RSS
speaks only when there is a crisis inside the BJP’s organisation.

Why do you think not talking about ideology in the Chintan Baithak of
the BJP would be beneficial for the RSS?

If they didn’t come out with any kind of discussions in the Chintan
Baithak, it is because they didn’t want to disclose that there were
people who were reporting to the RSS. What does Bal Apte’s report
mean? That ideology was one of the reasons for the defeat. The RSS was
never bothered about the future or fate of the political party.
Ideology is prime. Therefore, Rajnath in his own defence repeatedly
says that there can be no dilution of the ideology.

In other words, whatever Golwalkar has said about nationalism, whether
it was his book We, Our Nationhood Defined or later on in Bunch of
Thoughts, still holds. In We, Our Nationhood Defined he said that the
minorities would have no rights except as second-class citizens unless
they accepted the culture of the Hindus. In other words, unless they
converted, they had no rights as citizens. And in the other book,
Bunch of Thoughts, he says that there are three enemies of
nationalism: Muslims, Christians and communists. If they have to
adhere to that ideology, they can’t have any alliance with any of
these three. The sin of Vajpayee was that when confronted with a
question on the dilution of Hindutva in the U.S., he said that unless
the party had two-thirds majority, ideology couldn’t be implemented.
So he becomes an unwanted person. Advani will never say that. Atal
Bihari also defends the Gujarat carnage, Karnataka and Kandhamal
implicitly because he doesn’t speak a word against these incidents.

Do you suggest that the present crisis is a fight between the Advani
and Vajpayee camps and is doctored by the RSS?

You see, the RSS doesn’t need Vajpayee. He was tolerated, not
accepted.
The RSS wants a young leadership in the BJP. In a way, all the present
outcastes such as Jaswant Singh, Shourie and Yashwant Sinha are more
than 70 years old. Young leaders like Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj are
close to the RSS and also fall in the age bracket that Bhagwat
suggested. Does it suggest some kind of remote controlling of the BJP
by the RSS through a superficial talk of young leadership in order to
sideline the people who were not close to it?

The idea of the youngsters is intended to promote the people who are
from the RSS stream. The present crop of older leaders like Jaswant
have not been trained in the RSS. The RSS knows that these people will
not work for ideology. They will work for power. Until the BJP came to
power, there was no problem between the RSS and the BJP. It was only
in the 1990s, when there was a possibility of the BJP coming to power.
At that time, there was a BJP conference in Bombay [now Mumbai]. There
was also a parallel conference of the BJP that was addressed by the
then RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan. He said that the BJP needed to be
careful about the “corruption” that had entered in its ranks. A
biography of Advani called Advent of Advani was issued. Even in this
biography, it was suggested by the RSS that the BJP had got addicted
to five-star cultures, which showed in the places where they conducted
their meetings. Even the Shimla meeting was conducted in a luxurious
hotel rather than a place suggested by the State government.

What has been the role of the RSS after Independence in determining
the organisational decisions of the BJP and the Jana Sangh?

The RSS doesn’t only influence their decisions. The relationship
between these political formations and the RSS ensures that the
parties do not function independently. Political formations are meant
to advance the ideology. In fact, earlier the RSS was not in favour of
entering politics by itself. It thought unless it created an
atmosphere in which its ideology was acceptable, it would not enter
politics. “Our culture will be our politics,” it said. Therefore, it
is very difficult for the RSS to enter politics directly or give up
the influence it exerts in these political formations that it has
created. That is the dilemma for the RSS.

Jaswant Singh was expelled on the grounds of writing something that
violated the ideology of the RSS and the BJP. Even Arun Shourie came
forward to confront the leadership of the party, but he was not
expelled, perhaps because he is seen as a staunch Hindutva ideologue.
Does this mean the RSS needs more people like Shourie who could engage
intellectually with the civil society in favour of its ideology
despite certain criticisms against it?

Once Arun Shourie was invited to preside over the Vijayadashami
function, their annual function, in the Nagpur headquarters of the
RSS. A person who has been invited to such a function is normally
considered a promoter of the ideology, though he may not be close to
the Sangh. Moreover, his objection to the functioning of the BJP is
that the ideology has not been promoted in the way it should have
been. Therefore, the RSS should take over, he means, but the RSS
cannot do that. At the same time, Mohan Bhagwat had to say that he is
a respected journalist and an intellectual.

So you think this is the reason the RSS has not been criticising
Narendra Modi despite his efforts to distance himself from the RSS
over the last few years?

Modi is doing what the RSS wants. The only problem between Modi and
the RSS in Gujarat is that Modi has not been able to win over the
castes that are against him.

Do you mean to say that the RSS is a very strong organisation? The
only thing that matters to it is its ideology. Is it itself free from
power politics?

The RSS is not free from power politics. Sometimes problems do arise,
but it solves those by dissolving them. There has been a lot of
discussion on whether pracharaks should marry or not and on matters
such as these. But there has been no difference on ideology. For
instance, the difference between Mohan Bhagwat and K.S. Sudarshan was
on whether the organisation should tolerate a person like Advani or
not. When Bhagwat left Delhi, Sudarshan met him in order to explain
that he was not against him. In other words, the difference between
the chief and ex-chief was about the treatment that should be given to
Advani because there were complaints of “ideological corruption”
against Advani also.
How different is Mohan Bhagwat from his predecessor Sudarshan? What
difference does it make to the BJP?

Since the influence of the RSS is so strong and Bhagwat for the first
time came out speaking before the Chintan Baithak, could a step such
as the expulsion of the president over any indiscipline be repeated in
future? Jana Sangh presidents Mauli Charan Sharma and Balraj Madhok
were expelled from the party on the RSS’ order. Advani was just asked
to resign from the presidentship, though.

It doesn’t make any difference to the BJP. Bhagwat’s only problem is
that he wants a younger generation to come up in the BJP. Sudarshan
had also wanted this. He had said this to both Advani and Vajpayee.
But Bhagwat went a step ahead to prescribe the age limit of the
leadership (between 50 and 60). So Murli Manohar Joshi is also out in
that way. He has not named any of them. But apart from the prominent
four or five, it could also be Bal Apte and Ram Lal. These are people
who are delegated in the BJP by the RSS to look after its political
formation.

Jana Sangh president Balraj Madhok was expelled because he had written
a letter that the organising committee should not be chosen by the RSS
but be elected by the respective units of the Jana Sangh. They would
be paid by the Jana Sangh, not the RSS. What Madhok meant was that the
Jana Sangh should be detached from the RSS. Advani is not able to
project such an approach though he says that the RSS should not
interfere in the BJP’s day-to-day decisions. What does it mean? Does
it mean the RSS should not appoint the organising secretary? His only
objection is that the RSS should not speak up when the BJP makes a
statement that the RSS is critical of. After the Jinnah controversy,
Advani was just asked to resign and was not expelled because unlike
Madhok he was ready to accept the terms and conditions of the RSS.
Madhok was not prepared to accept the RSS’ diktat. Madhok made a very
strong statement against the RSS after his expulsion in Ahmedabad.

In 1985, when the BJP took stock of the reasons for its abject defeat
and Vajpayee was asked whether it marked a return to the Jana Sangh
type of politics, he countered, “When did we get away from the Jana
Sangh?” The Jana Sangh was openly a political unit of the RSS, which
the BJP claims it is not. Even the RSS claims that. On November 6,
1977, however, he said exactly the opposite. “When we joined the
Janata Party we had given up our old beliefs and faiths and there was
no question of going back.” It was almost the same case with Advani
regarding the question of Hindutva before the election. Is this some
sort of ideological confusion or temporary dishonesty for political
gains? What is that which prevents the BJP from charting its own path
and emerge as a right-wing organisation with its own brand of Hindutva
for political gains?

Neither of the two parties, the BJP or the Jana Sangh, has grown in
politics. They have grown in the RSS. The RSS has put them in
politics. Therefore, they have to surrender. There was a journalist
who brought out a magazine called Mother India from Bombay. It was
about the film industry, but there were editorials, which talked about
politics. He once made a comment that Vajpayee says something but when
it comes to the crunch, he goes and kneels before the RSS chief. There
is no difference between the BJP and the RSS. I always say that the
BJP grew by accident. The BJP grew because of the ideological mistakes
committed by the Congress. First, Indira Gandhi destroyed all the
second-rung leaders.

When Rajiv Gandhi came, he was an inexperienced politician. He took
decisions that were not in conformity with his party. For example, he
permitted the foundation stone of Ram Mandir to be laid in Ayodhya. He
also changed the law in the Shah Bano case. He was almost doing what
the BJP wanted to do. Before that in 1983, Mrs. Gandhi made speeches
in Jammu and later in Delhi, which, according to [K.R.] Malkani, were
in accordance with the ideology of the RSS. When you begin to walk in
those lines, then naturally the other party becomes acceptable. So the
Muslims, Dalits, OBCs [Other Backward Classes], all of them got
alienated from the Congress. It was these mistakes of the Congress
which led to the rise of Jana Sangh and then the BJP. If there was no
Emergency, in 1977 how could a conglomerate of various parties come to
power?

When the BJP makes statements accepting different cultures in India,
they have never defined culture. In fact they have never differed from
Golwalkar who said that religion is the basis of culture, in his book
We, Our Nationhood Defined. If religion is the basis of culture, then
those who do not believe in the Hindu religion are not a part of this
culture. It is not even temporary dishonesty. It is just meant for
public consumption, not for practice. People went gaga over Vajpayee’s
tolerance, but was he able to dismiss Modi? Did he differ from Modi
when Advani approved the killing of Graham Staines? The RSS was happy
with a leader who tolerated the ideology.

You have shown in your book how the RSS believes in lie-mongering and
has a convenient memory. Despite their claims of being the most
nationalist force, Savarkar appealed for clemency from the British. In
your book, you reproduced the apologetic letter by Balasaheb Deoras to
Indira Gandhi during the time of Emergency so that they were not
arrested. Almost in the same vein, Advani lied when he claimed
ignorance about Jaswant Singh accompanying mujahideens in the Kandahar
hijack episode. Jaswant Singh called his bluff. What does this history
suggest?

You see, they had basically no objection to the Emergency. In fact,
Balasaheb Deoras, the RSS chief, told Indira Gandhi that if she was
prepared to join them, they would help her to fight the communists.
They were prepared to support the Congress. Even now, if the BJP
adopts all the economic and foreign policies of the Congress, the RSS
will have no objections. If one enemy can be fought with the help of
the Congress, the RSS doesn’t mind it. Why do they go to Jinnah again
and again? Now Jaswant Singh has gone overboard and therefore got
expelled. Advani said Jinnah is a great man. One should understand
that if you are a follower of Savarkar, you are bound to be a follower
of Jinnah too. Savarkar in 1937, before the Pakistan resolution in
1940, had made a statement that Hindus and Muslims are two separate
nations and cannot live together. The hue and cry is just because
Jaswant Singh is not acceptable to the RSS and not about Jinnah.

Some in the RSS are repackaging ‘Hindutva’. Something like “anyone who
is born in India is a Hindu”. Bhagwat even said that they are open to
all. This goes against the Golwalkar (in his book Bunch of Thoughts,
Chapter 10) and Savarkar. Both of them denounced territorial
nationalism and strictly defined who is a Hindu. Only a person who
embraces Hindu culture could be a Hindu. So do you see a shift in the
ideology of the RSS or does that amount to the same thing? They have
been using religiosity and nationality almost in the same vein, in
terms of an all-encompassing Hindu nation.

No, this is a hypocritical deceit. The RSS does not come out in the
open with anything. For example, the RSS would not support what Varun
Gandhi said, but they would have no objection if you, like Modi,
create a situation in which the minorities are killed. That is the
difference. They realise that Hindus at large would not accept their
original ideology. Therefore, they want to mould Hindus into their
ideology. In fact, the idea is not to convert Muslims or Christians.
The idea is to convert Hindus to Hindutva ideology. For them, the
weakness lies with the Hindus.

Since you have spoken so much about Vajpayee, do you mean to say that
Vajpayee was not a strong Hindutva ideologue himself?

For this, you have to go back to the genesis of the political
formation. When, after 1948, the RSS was banned, there was a lot of
discussion. In the old files of the Organiser between 1946 and 47,
there are a whole lot of letters where people say that unless you
advance into politics, you will not be able to defend yourself.
Because when there was a ban on the RSS, there was nobody to defend
it. If you want some defence, you have to take the plunge into
politics. I remember one of those letters, which read, “Whatever cuts
in politics, cuts in life.” This means whoever is effective in
politics, he is also able to defend its ideological practice in life.
Therefore, a political formation was created to defend what the RSS
does, in its own name or in any other name. Whatever the Bajrang Dal
or the ABVP [Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad] does, it is defended
by the BJP.

You have always been an acute observer of the RSS both from inside and
outside. Over all these years, what change have you seen in the
working of the RSS?

One big change that I see is that the RSS now does not attract school
students or even young college students. Youngsters in shakhas are
slowly becoming invisible. Life has changed. A child would watch TV in
the evening rather than go to a shakha. In the morning, they go to
school. Therefore the ABVP is the recruiting ground for political work
and violence. After all, where has Arun Jaitley come from?

Finally, where do you see the BJP going from here?

It is very difficult to find a suitable person to preside over the
party. I don’t see any future for the party for the next 10 years, at
least until 2014. In fact, I am sorry to say that the communists have
blundered badly, otherwise, here was a chance [for them] to become the
main opposition party.

Politics today is more fluid than it ever was. After Independence, the
freedom fighters were dictating terms as long as they were alive. But
today, ideology is there but idealism is no more there.

Source: Frontline, Vol:26 Iss:19, Sep. 12-25, 2009

...and I am Sid harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-30 14:54:42 UTC
Permalink
http://ahssan.wordpress.com/2009/06/27/bjp-will-remain-under-rss-thumb/

BJP will Remain Under RSS’ Thumb
In india news on June 27, 2009 at 2:48 pm

By Amulya Ganguli

Since defeat invariably leads to internal rows in a party, it is no
surprise that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is experiencing
acrimonious finger-pointing over the reasons for its setback in two
successive general elections.

The problem is compounded, however, by the fact that the BJP is not
quite the master of its own destiny. Unlike other parties, it does not
stand alone, but is part of the Sangh Parivar (the fraternity of Hindu
nationalist groups) headed by the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS).

In fact, it can be regarded as the political wing of the Hindu
supremacist RSS although the various members of the Parivar, which
includes, apart from the BJP, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the
Bajrang Dal, like to maintain the fiction that they are all autonomous
entities.

The fact that they pay an annual ‘gurudakshina’ or tuition fee to the
RSS, however, suggests the latter is their friend, philosopher and
guide.

Not surprisingly, when anything goes wrong, the tendency among some in
the BJP is to blame the RSS for its ideological stranglehold on the
party. Usually such criticism is voiced by those who have drifted into
the BJP from other disciplines, such as journalism, and includes those
who had once flirted with the Left.

Few of them are able to accept the whip-hand held by the RSS over the
BJP although this dominance is acknowledged without any murmur by the
true-blue – or, rather, true-saffron – members of the BJP who have
grown up with the party.

One “outsider” to voice his criticism of the RSS is Sudheendra
Kulkarni, a former leftist, who was L.K. Advani’s aide during the
election campaign. In his view, the RSS is the villain of the piece
for exercising its malign influence over the BJP although, Kulkarni
alleges, it does not have too many admirers even among the Hindus.

In addition, Kulkarni argued that the RSS made Advani look weak where
Congress chief Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi made Manmohan Singh look
strong by their wholehearted support.

That it didn’t even take a day for the BJP to dissociate itself from
Kulkarni’s statement tended to confirm his charge about the influence
wielded by the RSS.

In contrast, the criticism of the party’s performance by Jaswant Singh
has steered clear of any reference to the paterfamilias. Singh
undoubtedly knows that he has to tread carefully for he too had
drifted into the BJP from the Janata Party conglomerate. That was one
of the reasons why the RSS had vetoed his selection as finance
minister in 1998 by then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Notwithstanding his cautious approach, Singh may be courting danger by
arguing, first, that the BJP looks like a “party of yesterday” and,
secondly, that its concept of Hindutva lacks clarity.

Brajesh Mishra, former national security advisor and a close aide of
Vajpayee, too is reported to have said the BJP’s “message of Hindutva…
did not get across to the voters…” and that the RSS needed to bring
moderation in its ranks.

Since Hindutva is the party’s and the Parivar’s lifeblood, any attempt
to clarify it may be interpreted by the RSS as an attempt at dilution
because the concept stands for the ideal of “one people, one nation,
one culture”. This theory of cultural nationalism, which is the
alternative term for Hindutva, may seem innocuous at first sight
unless one realizes that its emphasis on “one culture” means Hindu
culture and runs counter to the multicultural polity favored by the
secular camp.

This is the essential difference between the BJP and the other parties
and may well be the reason why it is stagnating today after its
initial surge because the minorities and the liberals are unwilling to
accept the dominance of Hindu culture. Besides, those who had been
misled by its pro-Hindu stance have realized that it was no more than
a cynical political ploy.

Unless the BJP is able to bring its cultural nationalism in line with
pluralism, chances are that it will remain a “party of yesterday”.
Till now, there is little indication that it intends to do so – or
will be allowed to do so by the RSS.

Jaswant Singh’s plea, therefore, for clarifying the concept of
Hindutva may engender more heat than light as few in the BJP will have
the gumption to defy the RSS to signify the party’s acceptance of all
cultures at par.

As before, the latest debate is again between the advocates of a
moderate and a hard line. But the difference is that the moderates
have lost a great votary in Vajpayee’s absence due to ill health. As
such, they do not have anyone of stature to present their case.

Advani may have done so, but his position is weakened by his earlier
image as a hardliner, which suggests that he may not be wholly
sincere.

Of the others, party chief Rajnath Singh is too dependent on the RSS
to strike out on his own. Besides, he is an instinctive hardliner who
will not dare to deviate from the straight and narrow path delineated
by the head of the Parivar.

Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi too belongs to the same hawkish
category although he is not a favourite of the RSS because of his
individualistic style. His friend in Delhi, Arun Jaitley, is still a
lightweight and Sushma Swaraj, another outsider, will not endanger her
seemingly bright future in the party by alienating the RSS.

So the BJP may go through the motions of an internal debate but is
likely to end up toeing the RSS line.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-30 14:56:55 UTC
Permalink
http://sangh.wordpress.com/2006/08/18/sangh-parivar-needs-to-realize-the-reality/

Sangh Parivar Insider Perspective
A swayamsevaks’s musing on Sangh Parivar

Sangh Parivar needs to realize the reality
August 18, 2006

Even after 81 years of heroic service to the nation, RSS is considered
a black spot on Hindu Dharma/Bharat and more so a borderline terrorist
organization by the large number of people who don’t know Sangh. These
people seem to include large number of India politicians especially
people belonging to non-BJP parties and the majority of elites in News
Media and influential circle of society.

If this is not the case, then what else could explain the daring move
by Himachal Pradesh government to declare that any person belonging to
RSS will be removed from the government service. Why is it still not
legal for government employees to work with RSS? Why does the name RSS
creates a image of riots and religious warfare in the mind of people?
Why has RSS become a stigma rather than a source of pride to lakhs of
swayamsevaks? Why? Why? Why?

I think it is clearly the fault of RSS leadership. RSS has neither
realized the importance of mass media nor realized that in today’s
society, perception matters more than the reality. RSS leadership has
created a situation for swayamsevaks where they aren’t willing to
openly call themselves swayamsevaks because of the fear that everyone
around them has a negative perception of RSS. At least, I don’t see
any thing that comes out of RSS which suggests that RSS is even
remotely worried about it perception among the non-RSS people. The
main backward decision have been the removal of Ram Madhav Ji as the
spokesperson. Checkout the article below yourself.

HP move to dismiss employees with RSS background
8/17/2006 1:57:28 PM HK

http://www.haindavakeralam.org/PageModule.aspx?PageID=1643

Simla:Himachal Pradesh Congress government had shown their height of
intolerance by suspending a government Ayurvedic practitioner, stating
that he has links with RSS.

“He was working for the RSS. That is why he has been placed under
suspension,” Told Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh.He
also warned that any employee having links with the RSS will be
dismissed from service. “Government employees will not be allowed to
take part in RSS activities. If any employee does so, he will be
dismissed,” Singh said.

Singh’s statement evoked a sharp reaction from Opposition BJP today
which termed it as “undemocratic and dictatorial”.
In a statement issued here, party spokesman Randhir Sharma said the
RSS was a “nationalist social organisation which works for inculcating
moral values, honesty, dedication and selfless service.”

He said that it appeared that the Chief Minister had “no faith in
democratic values and was trying to infringe upon the right to views
and expression which was violation of the Constitution”.

The BJP leader said Singh was trying to “browbeat the honest and
dedicated employees and asked him to quote the article of the
Constitution under which government employees could not have links
with RSS”.

Sharma dared the chief minister to take action against such employees
and said that if the need arose, the BJP would not hesitate to launch
an agitation on the issue.

Courtesy:www.zeenews.com

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-30 15:05:48 UTC
Permalink
http://www.theuniversalwisdom.org/

Video on 70,000 service project by RSS in BharatSeptember 27, 2006 at
4:49 pm · Filed under Hinduism, India, Historical, Politics, Society,
hindu, bharat, dharma, Sangh

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-1013666219441914390

Download High Quality version of Sewa Video (350 MB)
(Requires XviD Video Codec)

Sangh Swayamsevaks are running nearly 70,000 service projects
throughout Bharat. These service projects range from reconstructing
villages in the Bhuj, Gujarat to boys hostel for Tribal Villagers in
Tinsukia, Assam. From latest medical clinic, in Wayana, Banglore to
adopting kids who have lost their parents to terrorism in Jammu &
Kashmir. Very often these projects are hidden from the glare of news
cameras and writers of major newspapers. Now, there is a video to
showcase the RSS’s effort to once again take Bharat to Param Vaibhav
(the pinnacle of glory). Please take a moment to see for yourself, the
selfless hard work by lakhs of sangh swayamsevaks in every nook and
corner of Bharat.

Sangh Parivar Insider Perspective

Swami (Baba) Ramdev asks women to awaken Sitamata, Jijabai and Rani
Jhansi in them.March 15, 2006 at 8:08 pm · Filed under Hinduism,
India, Swami Ramdev, Yoga, hindu, bharat, dharma, mausiji, Sangh

Download Audio Speech : Swami (Baba) Ramdev: Mothers are responsible
for dowry carnage in India
Listen (Stream) Audio Speech:
Video Highlights of the Sevika Samiti Event

The Rashtrya Sevika Samiti held its 15th, 3 day national convention
in Nagpur from November 6 to 8. (Video of the Complete Event) A total
of 10,297 Sevikas from across the country including 35 Sevikas from
Nepal, South Africa, Kenya, Mauritius and Sri Lanka participated in
the convention. On November 6, noted Yogacharya Swami Ramdev organised
an exclusive class of yoga for the participants. It included seven
pranayams, some yogasans for women with his apt comments regarding
swadeshi and role of women in nation building.

In his inaugural address he insisted that women need not go on begging
for 33 per cent reservations. “Beggars have no choice and self-
respect. If women demonstrate glare like fire, speed like air,
patience like earth, coolness like water and broadness like space,
they will be respected by all,” he said. He further said ..
Reservations can’t help a nation grow. Power is not given but it is
taken. Moreover, Swami Ramdev gave some tough love to women and told
that Mothers alone are responsible for “dowry” carnage being played
across the Bharat. At the same time, he also urged women to set high
goals for themesleves and achieve everything they can. Ramdev Baba
asks every woman to awaken Sitamata, Jijabai and Rani Jhansi in them.
He inspires everyone take active role in serving the society.

Length: 40:33 Language: Hindi

Hindu Spirituality should be spread in America: K S SudarshanAugust
19, 2005 at 4:25 pm · Filed under Hinduism, India, Politics, Society,
K S Sudarshan

Download Audio Speech : Hindu Spirituality should be spread in
America: K S Sudarshan Ji
Listen (Stream) Audio Speech: Hindu Spirituality should be spread in
America: K S Sudarshan Ji

Bhisham Agnihotri Ji introduced mananiya K S Sudarshan Ji at Dharma
Summit held in NJ on August 13-15, 2005

Sudarshan Ji begins by saying “I am not an intellectual”, rather I am
an implementor of the ideas from great intellectuals … We hoped that
things would change after the Indian Independence but that didn’t
happen … Nehru was the last Britisher to rule India, therefore nothing
at all changed … we are still in grip of a education system which has
cut us of from our culture and history … today school books say that
Guru Teg Bhadur was a robber in Panjab! … Organization started by RSS
chief Golwalkar Ji in 1950-60s, such as Viswa Hindu Parishad, Bhartiya
Majdoor Sangh, Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Vanvyasi Kalyan
Ashram are number 1 in their field! Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s 1st Global
conference brought all the Hindu leaders together after 1500 years!
Last time all the Shankracharyas came together was during the time of
Samrat Harshawardhan in 648 A. D …. Achievement of Hindu society in
India such as destruction of Babri structure and Pokhran test have
made the Hindu proud all over the world. … In India the public will
defeat the terrorism!

Length: 43:05 Language: English

Swami Aksharanand: Hindus, stop preaching all religions are same!
August 5, 2005 at 2:17 pm · Filed under Hinduism, India, Historical,
Society, Swami Aksharananda

Download Audio Speech : Swami Aksharanand: Hindus, stop preaching all
religions are same!
Listen (Stream) Audio Speech:

Swami Aksharanand ji, who holds a Ph.D. degree in Hindu Studies from
the University of Madison, Wisconsin (USA) deplored that it was
unbecoming on the part of leaders of one billion strong Hindus to look
at the United States and complain about the cross border terrorism
(from Pakistan) and cry like babies.

He spoke extensively regarding the falsity of the “equality of
religions” propagated by Gandhi and the modern day gurus and saints.
The concept that “All religions are one” as propagated by Gandhi
incessantly is the most destructive concept that is affecting us all.
It is not only silly but dangerous fallacy to propagate the idea that
all religions are one. Some of these gurus and sanyasis from India
come here at the United Nations and invoke Allah and Jesus Christ. In
fact, what are they saying to us Hindus, who are under severe attacks
every day by the same forces of Allah and Christ. Hinduism and other
religions can’t be equated and called same because “religions” of the
world have been born in the environment of hostility. Tracing the
origin of Abrahamic religions, Swami Aksharananda said that when
Christianity came on the scene, it had to develop an antagonistic
philosophy to deal with Judaism. When Islam came on the scene, it had
to develop an antagonistic philosophy in order to deal with both
Christianity and Judaism. He stressed on the point that Islam and
Christianity in their very genesis are hostile and antagonistic
creeds.

Length: 16:15 Language: English

Indian Economy is Feminine : S GurumurthyJuly 23, 2005 at 2:32 pm ·
Filed under India, Politics, Economy, Society, S Gurumurthy

Download Audio Speech : Indian Economy is Feminine : S Gurumurthy
Listen (Stream) Audio Speech: Indian Economy is Feminine : S
Gurumurthy

S Gurumurthy is an acclaimed writer whose columns have found place on
several dailies and periodicals. He is known for his radical views and
opinions while his intense combination of words and moods are a
testimony of his passion towards raging issues. Gurumurthy’s knowledge
of economics and accounting principles is outstanding and his
articles, though polemical, are always painstakingly well researched
and crafted. Many of Reliance’s travails during the mid-1980s can be
traced to Gurumurthy’s pen.

In this speech, Gurumurthy ji talks about the saving based economy of
Asian nations and their feminine characteristics. Read more about this
issue in his column entitled, Is it back to thrift and end of cheap
money? . In addition, he had some not so savory words for NRIs and
politicians/economist who are currently part of Indian Government.

Raghunath and Vishwanath?” asks Sadhvi RithambaraJuly 12, 2005 at
10:17 pm · Filed under India, Society, Sadhvi Rithambara

Dowload Audio Speech: Vatsalya Gram : A Unique solution for new
problems
Listen (Stream) Audio Speech: Vatsalya Gram : A Unique solution for
new problems

“How can anybody be anath (orphan) in this land of Raghunath and
Vishwanath?” asks Sadhvi Rithambara. Outflowing from her fond concept
of bhakti is vatsalya or devotion as towards children, getting
reflected in her novel experiment of communes vatsalya mandir and now
vatsalya gram. Her vatsalya gram at Param Shakti Peeth is a verdant
sprawl of 43 acres on the Vrindavan-Mathura Road. In her vatsalya
mandir and gram she takes up destitute children and old women and
prepares them as role models of daughters, mothers or grandmothers as
is the case. Sadhvi Rithambara is referred to here as “Didi Ma,” and
schoolteachers know that children have come from vatsalya mandir. She
finds charity a cold concept. It might provide food, clothes and
shelter to some needy person but can’t impart love, affection, care
and warmth, necessary for healthy evolution that vatsalya is all
about.

Paper on Hinduism (3/3)June 19, 2005 at 7:35 am ·

Download Audio Speech: Paper on Hinduism by Swami Vivekananda
Listen to Audio Speech:

Vivekananda at World Parliament of Religion: PAPER ON HINDUISM
Chicago, 19th September 1893

Three religions now stand in the world which have come down to us
from time prehistoric - Hinduism, Zoroastrianism, and Judaism. They
have all received tremendous shocks, and all of them prove by their
survival their internal strength. But while Judaism failed to absorb
Christianity and was driven out of its place of birth by its all-
conquering daughter, and a handful of Parsees is all that remains to
tell the tale of their grand religion, sect after sect arose in India
and seemed to shake the religion of the Vedas to its very foundations,
but like the waters of the sea-shore in a tremendous earthquake it
receded only for a while, only to return in an all-absorbing Hood, a
thousand times more vigorous, and when the tumult of the rush was
over, these sects were all sucked in, absorbed and assimilated into
the immense body of the mother faith. From the high spiritual flights
of the Vedanta philosophy, of which the latest discoveries of science
seem like echoes, to the low ideas of idolatry with its multifarious
mythology, the agnosticism of the Buddhists and the atheism of the
Jains, each and all have a place in the Hindu’s religion.

Why we disagree? (2/3)June 15, 2005 at 3:15 pm ·

Download Audio Speech: Why we disagree? by Swami Vivekananda
Listen to Audio Speech:

At The World’s Parliament of Religions
Chicago, 15th September 1893

I will tell you a little story. You have heard the eloquent speaker
who has just finished say, “Let us cease from abusing each other,” and
he was very sorry that there should be always so much variance.

But I think I should tell you a story which would illustrate the cause
of this variance. A frog lived in a well. It had lived there for a
long time. It was born there and brought up there, and yet was a
little, small frog. Of course, the evolutionists were not there then
to tell us whether the frog lost its eyes or not, but, for our story’s
sake, we must take it for granted that it had its eyes, and that it
every day cleansed the water of all the worms and bacilli that lived
in it with an energy that would do credit to our modern
bacteriologists. In this way it went on and became a little sleek and
fat. Well, one day another flog that lived in the sea came and fell
into the well.

Welcome Address by Swami Vivekananda (1/3)June 13, 2005 at 12:18 pm ·

Download Audio Speech: Swami Vivekananda’s Welcome Address
Listen to Audio Speech:

Response to Welcome At The World’s Parliament of Religions
Chicago, 11th September 1893

Sisters and Brothers of America, It fills my heart with joy
unspeakable to rise in response to the warm and cordial welcome which
you have given us. l thank you in the name of the most ancient order
of monks in the world; I thank you in the name of the mother of
religions; and I thank you in the name of the millions and millions of
Hindu people of all classes and sects. My thanks, also, to some of the
speakers on this platform who, referring to the delegates from the
Orient, have told you that these men from far-off nations may well
claim the honor of bearing to different lands the idea of toleration.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-09-30 22:58:41 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hinduonnet.com/2005/06/10/stories/2005061008120100.htm

BSP showcases its `Brahmin might'

Venkitesh Ramakrishnan

Party had never been against upper castes or Hindu religion, says
Mayawati

Photo: Subir Roy

WOOING BRAHMINS: The former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Mayawati, at
a Brahmin Sammelan organised by the Bahujan Samaj Party in Lucknow on
Thursday.

LUCKNOW: The Bahujan Samaj Party on Thursday imparted a new dimension
to the caste-oriented politics of Uttar Pradesh by showcasing its
growing influence among the Brahmin community through a ``Brahmin maha
rally.'' The rally marked the culmination of about 50 ``Brahmin jodo
sammelans'' (Brahmin enrolling conferences) that the BSP had held
across the State in the past three months.

Addressing the rally, BSP president and former Chief Minister Mayawati
said her party had never been against the upper caste communities or
the Hindu religion. ``We were branded as anti-upper castes and anti-
Hindu by manuvadi vested interests, including political parties and
sections of the media.'' Her party was opposed only to discriminatory
tendencies and attitudes such as caste oppression.

Ms. Mayawati said her party had been making concerted efforts to
propagate this understanding and these efforts had started showing
results in the past few months, especially among Brahmins. The
positive appreciation of the BSP among Brahmins in Uttar Pradesh would
be beneficial to the community in electoral terms because the party
leadership had decided to give more ticket to the community in the
coming elections, she added.

Greeted with rituals

As she arrived at the rally venue, Ms. Mayawati was greeted with
Brahmanical rituals. A group of priests chanted Vedic hymns and blowed
conches while the Brahmin leaders of the BSP, including Sudhir Chandra
Mishra, Rajya Sabha member and the chief organiser of the rally,
presented her gifts, including a silver axe, mythical weapon of Lord
Parashuram, who has emerged as a new icon in the BSP's Brahmin
conferences.

Mr. Mishra said Ms. Mayawati had done much more to protect and uplift
the social and political dignity of Brahmins than the leadership of
parties such as the Congress and the BJP.

It may be too early to predict the impact of this Brahmin-oriented
initiative of the BSP, but there are signs that it has created a
threat perception among other parties. The new public holiday
announced by Chief Minister and Samajwadi Party leader Mulayam Singh
Yadav recently for ``Parshuram Jayanti'' on May 11 is apparently a
reaction to the BSP initiative.

The BSP effort is obviously based on the political calculation that a
Brahmin-Dalit combination, along with Muslim support, would bolster
its chances.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-01 22:19:57 UTC
Permalink
http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20091002/NATIONAL/710019856

Pakistan deserves credit for fight on terror, defence attaché says
Anealla Safdar

Last Updated: October 01. 2009 11:17PM UAE / October 1. 2009 7:17PM
GMT ABU DHABI //

The Pakistani defence attaché to the UAE last night asked the world to
recognise the sacrifices and successes his countrymen were making to
counter terrorism.

Speaking at an event to celebrate Pakistan Defence Day, the attaché,
Khawar Hussain, invoked what he called the “high standards of valour,
courage and sacrifice” that the Pakistani military displayed during
the war with India in 1965.

Addressing about 130 people, mostly diplomats, defence attachés and
members of the Pakistani community, Mr Hussain said: “Pakistan is and
will continue to contribute positively towards world peace. This is
manifested by Pakistan’s leading role in the war against terrorism.

“On this front line we have sustained heavy casualties and incurred
monumental losses. More Pakistani soldiers have fallen in combat than
the combined casualties of foreign troops in Afghanistan.”

The remembrance, usually held on September 6th – to commemorate the
defence of Lahore against the Indian army – but delayed because of
Ramadan, was marked with a rendition of Pakistan’s national anthem and
a cake-cutting ceremony at the Hilton Hotel in Abu Dhabi.

Mr Hussain also used the occasion to pay tribute to strong ties
between Pakistan and the UAE, which, he said, date to the 1970s.

“Both armed forces share a common perception towards current
challenges being faced by the world,” he said.

“Both countries stood by each other in the hour of need. The world
response, especially of the UAE during earthquake disaster of 2005, is
a manifestation of brotherly relations between the two armed forces.
And recently, UAE contributed extensively, in providing all out
support for rehabilitation of three million internally displaced
people who had to leave their homes due to Pakistani security forces’
operations against terrorists.”

***@thenational.ae

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-01 22:32:42 UTC
Permalink
http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20090930/FOREIGN/709299841

ISI ‘tried to undermine’ democracy in Pakistan
Tom Hussain, Foreign Correspondent

Last Updated: September 29. 2009 10:46PM UAE / September 29. 2009
6:46PM GMT

Former spymaster Imtiaz Ahmed says he is doing his duty as a citizen
by revealing past conspiracies. Muzammil Pasha for The National

ISLAMABAD // A former spymaster once considered the greatest threat to
Pakistani democracy has rocked the army and political opposition with
a series of revelations about their involvement in past conspiracies
against former governments.

Brig Imtiaz Ahmed burst out of obscurity in August in a series of
media interviews, saying that as director of the internal security
wing of the military’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) directorate
in 1988, he had orchestrated the creation of Islami Jamhoori Ittihad,
a coalition of Right-wing parties, to oppose the Pakistan People’s
Party (PPP) of Benazir Bhutto.

The coalition, led by Nawaz Sharif, now leader of the political
opposition, succeeded in preventing the PPP from winning an outright
majority in elections that year, although it went on to form a
coalition government.

Mr Ahmed claimed that the coalition’s leaders subsequently colluded
with ISI and Ghulam Ishaq Khan, a bureaucrat turned president, to have
Bhutto’s administration dismissed on charges of corruption and
incompetence in 1990.

In an interview, he said his role in the 1990 conspiracy had involved
distributing briefcases of cash to opposition party leaders, implying
that only one, Altaf Hussain of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a
party hugely popular among Urdu-speaking migrants from India, had
refused to accept the proffered bribe.


Mr Ahmed said that, with hindsight, he felt a “tinge of regret” about
forming the anti-Bhutto opposition coalition, but qualified that by
arguing: “At the time, to any sane mind, it was quite in line with the
prevailing political scenario”.

But he was at pains to highlight his role as that of a military
officer carrying out orders.

“I was not the one calling the shots. I was working within the policy
framework of my superiors under their strict monitoring. My detractors
have created the impression that I was operating alone, but I was only
a cog in the machine.”

Mr Ahmed was forced into retirement after Bhutto’s government
presented evidence of his involvement in that and other conspiracies
against it. But the party’s attempt to sideline him was futile.
Elections were held and won by Mr Sharif’s coalition, and Mr Ahmed was
subsequently appointed director general of the civilian Intelligence
Bureau.

In his new role Mr Ahmed soon found himself fighting off the very kind
of anti-government intelligence agency conspiracy he had once
orchestrated.

As Mr Sharif, the prime minister, increasingly distanced himself from
his former military patrons, the army undermined his coalition by
launching a security operation against the MQM, a key partner, in
1992.

Mr Ahmed said the operation was launched without the knowledge of the
prime minister, but Mr Sharif gave it his backing after the military
unearthed torture chambers it alleged were run by the MQM political
militia.

Military Intelligence, an army agency distinct from ISI, also leaked
maps of “Jinnahpur”, purported to be a breakaway state being planned
by the MQM, to drum up public support for the operation during which
thousands of party activists were killed. Mr Hussain was forced to
flee into exile in the United Kingdom.

Mr Ahmed admitted the Jinnahpur map was concocted and that army
revelations about MQM torture chambers were “80 per cent exaggerated”.

Mr Ahmed’s statements have been corroborated by Gen Naseer Akhtar, who
was head of the army’s Karachi Corps, who met Mr Hussain in London in
August to apologise for his past actions – an extraordinary admission
that the MQM chief has since used to pummel Mr Sharif’s democratic
credentials.

“I helped to remove a stain on a major segment of Pakistan’s
population. Otherwise their children would have borne the stigma of
treachery and that would have had serious, drastic consequences for
the country,” Mr Ahmed said in an interview with The National.

Mr Ahmed’s confessions came amid rising tensions between Mr Sharif and
Asif Ali Zardari, the president and Bhutto’s successor as PPP chief,
sparking speculation in the Pakistani media that Mr Zardari had
colluded with Mr Hussain, a key ally, to embarrass the opposition
leader.

However, Mr Ahmed said he made his decision to go public while serving
an eight-year prison term for owning property beyond his proven income
in an anti-corruption court. The courts were set up by Pervez
Musharraf, the military chief who overthrew Mr Sharif in a coup d’état
in 1999. Mr Musharraf was himself forced out of office last year.

Mr Ahmed said he was concerned about the possible consequences of
mounting public disillusionment with civilian politicians, calling it
the result of the autocratic tendency of politicians to accrue
personal power after being elected.

“I have seen a succession of political governments lose sight of the
fact that their power base hinges on an independently functioning,
strong parliament. Intentionally, they have undermined parliament
because they intended to function outside the parameters of the
system, in effect becoming a proxy for military dictatorship.”

He said the failure of politicians to learn from the past would
empower hardliners within the military intelligence agencies and
enable them to resume their historic role as a shadow government.

“If I succeed in giving the politicians a wake-up call, I’ll feel I
have done my duty as a citizen,” Mr Ahmed said.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-01 22:35:57 UTC
Permalink
http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20090930/FOREIGN/709309990

US to triple aid to Pakistan

Last Updated: September 30. 2009 2:55PM UAE / September 30. 2009
10:55AM GMT

A bill was expected to be passed by the House of Representatives on
Wednesday that will triple the amount of non-military aid the US gives
to Pakistan to US$1.5 billion (Dh 5.51bn) a year for the next five
years, focusing on education and infrastructure.

The package then needs only the signature of President Barack Obama,
who has enthusiastically supported the bill as a long-term investment
to end the allure of extremism in the Islamic world’s only declared
nuclear weapons state.

Richard Holbrooke, the US special envoy on Pakistan and Afghanistan,
said the bill was a sign of a bedrock US commitment, and five-year
funding promises were “very unusual in the modern world.”

“Pakistan is a huge and important country,” Mr Holbrooke told
reporters last week in New York.

He said that Karachi, the world’s largest Muslim-majority city,
suffered power blackouts for much of the day. “These are serious
problems and they contribute to instability,” Mr Holbrooke said.

The House of Representatives first approved the bill in June along
largely party lines, with Republicans supporting aid but accusing Mr
Obama’s Democrats of trying to micro-manage the package through
onerous conditions.

The House will now vote on a compromise version with the Senate, where
the bill was approved unanimously after politicians toned down some of
the stricter conditions on the aid.

But the bill still insists that Pakistan take action against extremist
groups on its soil and not assist them in fighting neighbouring
countries, namely India.

It specifically lists the extremist movements Lashkar-e-Taiba and
Jaish-e-Mohammed. Lashkar-e-Taiba is blamed for last year’s bloodbath
in Mumbai that left 165 people dead.

The bill also orders the administration to ensure that Pakistan
prevent any proliferation of nuclear weapons.

The US has voiced concern after Pakistan permitted freedom of movement
for its key nuclear scientist, Abdul Qadeer Khan, who admitted five
years ago leaking nuclear secrets to Iran, North Korea and Libya.

The bill sets as a key aim the consolidation of power in civilian
hands. President Asif Ali Zardari took over a year ago, ending a
decade of military rule in Pakistan, but US officials worry that he is
still weak and lacks full control over the nation’s powerful military.

As US politicians wrapped up work on the bill, Pakistan’s former
military leader, Pervez Musharraf, was in Washington for private
discussions.

Mr Musharraf, who was the former president George Bush’s key ally in
the “war on terror,” criticised the debate in Washington on whether to
send more troops to Afghanistan. “By this vacillation and lack of
commitment to a victory and talking too much about casualties (it)
shows weakness in the resolve,” Mr Musharraf told The Washington
Times.

The Obama administration has revamped Mr Bush’s strategy by saying it
is looking at Afghanistan and Pakistan together, after worries that
extremists chased out of Afghanistan were finding refuge in lawless
border areas.

AFP

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-01 22:38:25 UTC
Permalink
http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20090928/OPINION/709279926

Pakistan’s tenuous path towards peace

Last Updated: September 27. 2009 8:22PM UAE / September 27. 2009
4:22PM GMT

At a meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly last week,
the news that the US Senate had approved $1.5 billion in non-military
aid to Pakistan provoked a round of spontaneous applause, a rare note
of optimism for the troubled state. The package, which is expected to
be passed by the US congress in the near future, triples non-military
aid over five years. Combined with gains made by the Pakistani
military on the ground – and the army chief Ashfaq Kayani’s commitment
to keep the armed forces out of politics – there is a glimmer of light
at the end of the tunnel.

Pakistan has inched back from the abyss since the violence before the
2008 elections and steady incursions by the Taliban into the North-
West Frontier Province and tribal areas. The president Asif Ali
Zardari has not only held on to office in defiance of predictions but
has made strides towards consolidating civilian power. He has co-
ordinated an international aid campaign to prop up the faltering
economy, reinstated the deposed chief justice (admittedly under some
duress), and proposed a truth and reconciliation commission to address
sectarian and ethnic grievances.

Although these moves towards a more civil society are far from
irreversible, there is an opportunity that would hardly have been
credible just a year ago. The key will be whether the much-maligned
military continues to protect the state, rather than try to run it.
The weekend bombing in Peshawar shows the continued threat posed by
the Pakistani Taliban; after the killing of Baitullah Mehsud, the
disparate militant groups are attempting to form a united front. There
are more battles ahead, but Islamabad’s sovereignty in the tribal
areas will be established only by dispensing with the archaic tribal
laws and bringing electricity, good roads and education to areas too
long ignored.


The stability of nuclear-armed Pakistan will always be balanced on a
knife edge as long as it is waging conflicts on its own soil. The
United States has a role to play as an ally – not least because of the
poorly kept secret that Afghan Taliban and al Qa’eda leaders shelter
in Quetta – but one it has bungled so far. Attacks by foreign forces,
even unmanned drones targeting hardline extremists, will always be a
call to war for Pakistanis of many different backgrounds. If not
stained by blood, that $1.5 billion can go a long way towards helping
Islamabad to re-establish a more stable state.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-02 13:56:35 UTC
Permalink
http://www.nowpublic.com/world/india-jihadis-luring-kerala-college-girls-love-0

India - Jihadis luring Kerala college girls for love
Share: by israeli.agent | August 31, 2009 at 10:12 pm

1331 views | 22 Recommendations | 2 comments

Photos
Lovingly Jihadi | Photo 02

see larger image

It is not only happening here, but other parts of the world too, in
various forms. But this is the one of the rare incidents where the
popular media openly dares to talk about this 'phenomenon', at least
in India.

It was happening for a long time, since behind the supposed to be
secular walls of the country, India. Under the constitution every
citizen has the freedom of faith and can work towards spreading his/
her religion. But as for Jihadis this is another tool to swell their
ranks for with ease because they can cheaply recruit the 'infidels'
and utilize them as tools of terror in the place of the deep rooted
'fidels'. The modus operandi is simple. Charm the girl with terror
funded money, make them fall in 'love', and then use all the
techniques in the book to convert them to Islam. Done.

The important part of this scheme is that never allow any of the
'fidel' girls to fall in to the infidel faiths. They have very
effective terror cells to prevent a remote chance of such incidents.
Any infidel who dares to look at the 'fidel' girls is definitely
confronted by death threats on them and their family. Oh, not to
mention that the possibility of a 'communal riot' freely offered by
the Jihadis.

Kerala police has constituted a special team to probe charges that
jihadis are running an organized racket in the state's colleges to
lure gullible girls in the name of love and then convert them for
subsequent use in anti-national activities.

"We are investigating if there is any such design,'' DGP Jacob
Punnoose told TOI. What jolted the sleuths into action was a habeus
corpus petition in the Kerala high court from the parents of two MBA
students. The students were staying in the same hostel at St John's
College in Pathanamthitta district when they met a senior and grew
fond of him.

But the boy proved to be a nuisance to the authorities and was
expelled from the college some years ago. "He still managed to retain
contact with four junior students, including the two MBA students and
feigned love for them. The boy wanted them to get converted to Islam.
But one of them suspected his intentions and withdrew while another
developed psychiatric problems. The other two fell for him and
eloped,'' college principal Sreekumaran Nair said.

When there was no news of their wards, the parents approached the high
court with habeus corpus petitions. The girls were subsequently
produced in court which allowed the parents the custody of their
children for a week. When they appeared in court next, the girls
stated they had been trapped and did not want to go back with the boy.
In the period they were with him, one of them had already married the
boy and the other was "forced to marry'' his friend, a bus conductor.
In their statements given to police, the students claimed that they
were shown jihadi videos and literature by the boy. Expressing concern
over the development, the high court asked the police to probe
deeper.

Source: timesofindia.indiatimes.com

Now it is the turn for all the "secular" and communist forces in the
country to wake up and cry 'religious profiling' and 'discrimination'
in the top of their lungs. Because it is question of assured votes.

MUMBAI: The Criminal Investigation Department (CID), which is meant to
probe high-profile cases, will now investigate love affairs that have
resulted in marriages between Hindu girls and Muslim boys.

The state CID has been told to check whether Muslim boys are enticing
Hindu girls as part of a larger ‘conspiracy’. Minister of state for
home (rural) Nitin Raut announced this step in the legislative
assembly on the last day of its session.

BJP MLAs Eknath Khadse and Devendra Fadnavis had alleged in the
assembly that young Muslim boys in rural areas were wooing Hindu
college girls and then marrying them. This, they claimed, was part of
a ‘conspiracy’ to increase the strength of the community. Khadse had
further alleged that some Hindu girls had also been sent to the Gulf.
Source: timesofindia.indiatimes.com



0 reply

2Rhonda J Mangus
at 00:01 on October 1st, 2009

Sorry I missed this, Agent.

0 reply

12israeli.agent
at 04:46 on October 1st, 2009

Thanks Rhonda..! Better late than later..!

.Agent.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-02 14:28:18 UTC
Permalink
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/london/8272953.stm

Page last updated at 13:02 GMT, Thursday, 24 September 2009 14:02 UK

CPS doubles 'honour crimes' team

The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) is doubling its legal team
fighting so-called "honour" crimes in London.

The 10 specialist prosecutors will be increased to 20 in a bid to
tackle what it calls "an abuse of human rights".

Acting Chief Crown Prosecutor for London Nazir Afzal said the CPS
wanted to reduce the number of victims.

An honour killing is defined as the murder, mainly of women from Asian
or Middle Eastern families, accused of bringing shame upon their
relatives.

'Cultural beliefs'

Mr Afzal told a London conference organised by the Association of
Chief Police Officers: "Honour-based violence is a big problem in
London and with this increase in the number of specialist prosecutors
we hope to reduce the number of victims and bring more offenders to
justice.

"By having a number of prosecutors who specialise in this type of
crime we have a database of people who have knowledge of the
difficulties in bringing prosecutions against offenders.

"The prosecutors will be familiar with the different sensitive and
often complex issues which are apparent in cases of this kind.

"Honour-based violence is difficult to prosecute as it involves
family, community and long standing cultural beliefs.

"But the Crown Prosecution Service will not shy away from tackling
honour-based violence.

"It's a fundamental abuse of human rights."

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_1.shtml

Crimes of 'honour'

Honour killing is the murder of a woman accused of bringing shame upon
her family.

Killing in the name of honour is often considered to be a private
matter for the affected family. In recent years, more and more cases
have reached the UK courts but many crimes still remain unresolved or
even undetected.

So-called honour killing is usually committed by male family members
against a female relative. In some communities mothers and sisters may
also play a part. Some of the most common reasons for murdering a
family member include: refusal to enter an arranged marriage, seeking
a divorce - even from an abusive husband - or committing adultery.

In some cases, women who have been sexually assaulted or raped are
then murdered for the 'dishonour' of having been a victim of an
attack.

Honour killing is an ancient tribal custom and an allegation against a
woman can be enough to defile a family's honour and justify her
murder.

Men who kill their wives, sisters or daughters argue that a life
without honour is not worth living.

The United Nations Population Fund estimates that the annual worldwide
total of killings might be as high as 5,000 women.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_2.shtml

Honour killings in the UK

In the UK, murders have sometimes taken place after a family has
reacted violently to their son or daughter taking on the trappings of
western culture. Killings are often disguised as suicide, fire or an
accident.

Police believe there may be as many as 12 honour killings in the UK
every year. They will typically occur within Asian and Middle Eastern
families when a person is believed to have 'dishonoured' their loved
ones.

In 2003 the Metropolitan Police set up a strategic task force to
tackle the issue. A specialist unit was given the task of researching
honour crimes and 100 murder files spanning the last decade were re-
opened in an effort to find common links.

The move followed the killing of a teenage girl in a Kurdish family in
London. In 2002, Heshu Yones, 16, was stabbed to death by her father,
Abdullah, because he disapproved of her Western dress and Christian
boyfriend.

Mr Yones then cut his own throat and attempted suicide by jumping from
a third floor balcony. At his murder trial in 2003 he begged the judge
to sentence him to death. Yones, a political refugee, who had fled
Saddam Hussein's regime 10 years previously, was sentenced to life
imprisonment for the murder of his daughter.

Other examples

Mustaq Ahmed, 40, a Muslim businessman murdered his daughter's
boyfriend because he disapproved of their relationship. He was
sentenced to life imprisonment for murdering 22-year-old Albanian
Rexhap Hasani in 2003.

Rukhsana Naz, 19, wanted to divorce her husband to marry her boyfriend
by whom she was pregnant. She refused to have an abortion and was
strangled by her brother with a piece of plastic flex while her
mother, Shakeela, held her down. The family put Rukhsana's body in the
car and drove 100 miles to dump it. Shakeela Naz and her son Shazad
Ali were sentenced to life imprisonment for the killing in 1999.

Nuziat Khan, a mother of three, was seeking a divorce from her abusive
husband. He strangled her to death in front of their three-year-old
daughter in 2001. He remains on Scotland Yard's most wanted list and
is believed to have fled to Pakistan.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_3.shtml

Protecting the vulnerable

In a letter to the Daily Telegraph in March 2004 Mr Gidoomal called
for key changes to be put in place to help those at risk.

His appeal followed the death of Anita Gindha, a young Sikh mother,
who had run away from home to get married. She was strangled at eight
and a half months pregnant.

In his letter, Mr Gidoomal urged the authorities to introduce three
new measures to raise public awareness of honour-related crime.

These included:

A code of conduct, signed by Asian community leaders, with an agreed
and well-publicised form of whistle-blowing to protect women under
threat within their own communities.

Extending telephone helplines to include services targeted at Asians
particularly young people who may be at risk.
The setting up of a Young Asians at Risk Register (YAAR - the Hindi
word for friend) to help the police, social services and other
organisations to maintain an accurate national database.

Mr Gidoomal explained: "Protecting our citizens is an important duty
of our nation. One life lost is too many. When a young girl or boy
suddenly disappears from school to go abroad, at what point is it the
right of the state to become involved in finding them?"

He says it is particularly important to target communities where
honour crimes are most likely to occur. "It really does need multiple
sectors working together. There needs to be training for teachers,
police and others so they are aware of the early warning signs and
able to identify those who would be most at risk."

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_4.shtml

A global problem

Outside the UK, honour killings have been reported in countries
throughout the world including: Bangladesh, Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt,
Germany, India, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Jordan, Morocco, Pakistan,
Palestine, Sweden, Turkey, and Uganda.

The practice is common in Pakistan where police believe that up to
4,000 people, mostly women, have died in brutal honour killings in the
four years between 2000 and 2004. Hundreds of women are raped or
killed there each year in so-called honour attacks for behaviour
including extramarital affairs or marriage without a family's consent.

In a recent case (June 2005), Jali Ahmed set fire to his sleeping wife
and daughter and burned them to death in an honour killing. The 20-
year-old girl was killed for having had an affair and her mother for
not doing enough to discourage her daughter.

In another harrowing case, a Pakistani widow and her two daughters
were beaten and forced to parade naked through a market after her son
allegedly had an affair with another man's wife.

And in June 2002, a 30-year-old woman claimed she was gang raped on
the orders of a tribal council to atone for her brother's alleged
affair with a member of a powerful rival clan. Mukhtar Mai's family
said the charge against her 12-year-old brother, Shakoor, was
fabricated.

The family claims Shakoor was sodomised by a group of men from the
local Mastoi clan. After they threatened to report the incident to the
police, Mai was gang raped allegedly by four men.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_5.shtml

Moving forward

In Europe the phenomenon is also on the rise. European police met in
The Hague in 2004 to discuss ways to tackle the problem and pledged to
set up a pan-European unit to crack down on honour killings.

Police believe that some families may have hired contract killers or
bounty hunters. Some killings have also involved sending the victim
back to the family's "home nation" to be killed there.

They have also acknowledged that the culture surrounding honour crimes
is complex and that recognising early warning signs will be the first
step towards saving lives.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_6.shtml

Culture of honour

Shahien Taj, founding director of the All Wales Saheli Association,
and a member of the Asian community, says: "Honour is supposed to be a
positive word. Clearly, calling a killing an 'honour crime' is a
contradiction of terms. A lot of talk and dialogue takes place after a
crime has happened but this is too little too late. If you really want
to deal with an issue you have to unpack it in its true context."

Ms Taj maintains that the majority of women within Asian communities
face pressure over honour. She explains: "The whole concept of honour
puts barriers up. It is repeatedly used in forced marriages."

She also cites cases of abduction and families giving permission for
the use of domestic violence on newly married daughters. "Women are
thought of as a collective and not an individual," she says. "I've met
men and women who've been brought up on the concept of honour. It
doesn't allow you to thrive."

Ram Gidoomal CBE of the South Asian Development, adds: "There's a
deeper issue at stake with honour killings. Asian families who come to
Britain are unprepared for the changed cultural environment. Young
people have real problems trying to cope. Many of these youngsters
live in two worlds.

"Attempted suicide rates are high among Asian boys and girls. Some
will want to go down a particular career path but their families won't
let them. The most serious issue is that of marriage. In extreme
cases, the clash of cultures results in young people wanting to take
their own life or people engaging in honour killing or murder of the
worst kind."

Mr Gidoomal has been campaigning on the issue since the early
nineties. He claims that the authorities need to look further than
murder cases to get to the bottom of honour crimes. "Suicide,
attempted murder and injuries can all fall into the category of honour
killing," he says.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_7.shtml

A matter of culture not religion

Honour killing, Mr Gidoomal continues, is not a religious issue.

None of the world's major religions condone honour-related crimes. But
those who are guilty have sometimes tried to justify their actions on
religious grounds.

"Honour crime happens across the board in the Asian community,"
insists Mr Gidoomal. "People try to blame Muslim, Hindus or Sikhs but
it tends to happen in families where there are the strongest ties and
expectations. It's a very strong cultural issue."

Leaders of the world's faiths have also strongly denied a connection
between religion and honour killings.

In 2003, Inayat Bunglawala of the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB) told
the BBC: "Many Muslims are uncomfortable about how Islam has been
dragged into this, because Islam categorically does not allow people
to kill their own daughter."

http://www.bbc.co.uk/ethics/honourcrimes/crimesofhonour_8.shtml

EU forces changes

In Turkey, a country that is due to begin membership talks with the
European Union (October 2005), there have also been a number of crimes
linked to honour.

Until June 2005, local judges there had the power to hand down reduced
sentences to the small number of honour killers who were caught.

Since the introduction of a new penal code, designed to conform to EU
law, honour killings have been re-categorised as murder with a life
sentence attached.

Eren Keskin, head of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights
Association, said: "There are some positive developments in these new
laws. However, in Turkey the written law and its enforcement can be
two very different things. Until the feudal make-up of society, until
the very mentality behind these crimes changes, we cannot expect
anything very different."

Keskin's comments followed revelations that a 13-year-old girl had
been forced to marry a paedophile rapist. She was also raped by her
father-in-law for refusing to become a prostitute and then had her
nose cut off.

In the first few months of 2005 Palestine was also shaken by a series
of brutal honour killings. Under laws inherited from the days of
Jordanian rule women are perceived as "minors" under the authority of
male relatives. The maximum sentence for killings in defence of
'family honour' is six months.

Two killings (May 2005) have prompted calls for a change in the law.
One involved Faten Habash, 22, a Christian Palestinian, who was
bludgeoned to death by her father for having fallen in love with a
Muslim.

The other involved the ritual killing of three sisters by their
brother after one of them was accused of having an affair. Maher
Shakirat forced the three women to drink bleach before strangling
Rudaina, who was eight months pregnant. The two other sisters tried to
flee but Shakirat caught Amani, 20, and strangled her. The third
sister, Leila, escaped but was badly injured. The killing was thought
to have been ordered by parents of the three women.

According to the Palestinian women's affairs ministry, 20 girls and
women were murdered in honour killings in 2004. A further 50 committed
suicide - often under coercion - for "shaming" their families. Another
15 survived suicide attempts.

The ministry claims that dozens of other killings are covered up each
year. One woman of 26 was certified as dying of old age.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-02 14:43:35 UTC
Permalink
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA33/018/1999/en/952457dd-e0f1-11dd-be39-2d4003be4450/asa330181999en.html

Document - Pakistan: Honour killings of women and girls
PAKISTAN

Introduction

"The right to life of women in Pakistan is conditional on their
obeying social norms and traditions."

Hina Jilani, lawyer and human rights activist

Women in Pakistan live in fear. They face death by shooting, burning
or killing with axes if they are deemed to have brought shame on the
family. They are killed for supposed 'illicit' relationships, for
marrying men of their choice, for divorcing abusive husbands. They are
even murdered by their kin if they are raped as they are thereby
deemed to have brought shame on their family. The truth of the
suspicion does not matter -- merely the allegation is enough to bring
dishonour on the family and therefore justifies the slaying.

The lives of millions of women in Pakistan are circumscribed by
traditions which enforce extreme seclusion and submission to men. Male
relatives virtually own them and punish contraventions of their
proprietary control with violence. For the most part, women bear
traditional male control over every aspect of their bodies, speech and
behaviour with stoicism, as part of their fate, but exposure to media,
the work of women's groups and a greater degree of mobility have seen
the beginnings of women's rights awareness seep into the secluded
world of women. But if women begin to assert their rights, however
tentatively, the response is harsh and immediate: the curve of honour
killings has risen parallel to the rise in awareness of rights.

Every year hundreds of women are known to die as a result of honour
killings. Many more cases go unreported and almost all go unpunished.
The isolation and fear of women living under such threats are
compounded by state indifference to and complicity in women's
oppression. Police almost invariably take the man's side in honour
killings or domestic murders, and rarely prosecute the killers. Even
when the men are convicted, the judiciary ensures that they usually
receive a light sentence, reinforcing the view that men can kill their
female relatives with virtual impunity. Specific laws hamper redress
as they discriminate against women.

The isolation of women is completed by the almost total absence of
anywhere to hide. There are few women's shelters, and any woman
attempting to travel on her own is a target for abuse by police,
strangers or male relatives hunting for her. For some women suicide
appears the only means of escape.

Abuses by private actors such as honour killings are crimes under the
country's criminal laws. However, systematic failure by the state to
prevent and to investigate them and to punish perpetrators leads to
international responsibility of the state. The Government of Pakistan
has taken no measures to end honour killings and to hold perpetrators
to account. It has failed to train police and judges to be gender
neutral and to amend discriminatory laws. It has ignored Article 5 of
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women, which it ratified in 1996, which obliges states to
"modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women"
to eliminate prejudice and discriminatory traditions.

Some apologists claim that traditional practices as genuine
manifestations of a community's culture may not be subjected to
scrutiny from the perspective of rights contained in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. Against this, the 1993 World Conference
on Human Rights in the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action
stated: "All human rights are universal, indivisible and
interdependent and interrelated" and asserted the duty of states "to
promote all human rights and fundamental freedoms". The United Nations
General Assembly in 1993 adopted the Declaration on the Elimination of
Violence against Women which urges states not to "invoke custom,
tradition or religious consideration to avoid their obligation" to
eliminate discriminatory treatment of women.

While recognizing the importance of cultural diversity, Amnesty
International stands resolutely in defence of the universality of
human rights, particularly the most fundamental rights to life and
freedom from torture and ill-treatment. The role of the state is to
ensure the full protection of these rights, where necessary mediating
'tradition' through education and the law.

This report is the fourth in a series issued by Amnesty International
on the rights of women in Pakistan; it is the first to look at abuses
of women's rights by private actors.

Killings in the name of honour

Ghazala was set on fire by her brother in Joharabad, Punjab province,
on 6 January 1999. According to reports, she was murdered because her
family suspected she was having an 'illicit' relationship with a
neighbour. Her burned and naked body reportedly lay unattended on the
street for two hours as nobody wanted to have anything to do with it.

Ghazala was burned to death in the name of honour. Hundreds of other
women and girls suffer a similar fate every year amid general public
support and little or no action by the authorities. In fact, there is
every sign that the number of honour killings is on the rise as the
perception of what constitutes honour -- and what damages it --
widens, and as more murders take on the guise of honour killings on
the correct assumption that they are rarely punished.

Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 3

Often, honour killings are carried out on the flimsiest of grounds,
such as by a man who said he had dreamt that his wife had betrayed
him. State institutions -- the law enforcement apparatus and the
judiciary -- deal with these crimes against women with extraordinary
leniency and the law provides many loopholes for murderers in the name
of honour to kill without punishment. As a result, the tradition
remains unbroken.

The methods of honour killings vary. In Sindh, a kari (literally a
'black woman') and a karo('a black man') are hacked to pieces by axe
and hatchets, often with the complicity of the community. In Punjab,
the killings, usually by shooting, are more often based on individual
decisions and carried out in private. In most cases, husbands, fathers
or brothers of the woman concerned commit the killings. In some cases,
jirgas (tribal councils) decide that the woman should be killed and
send men to carry out the deed.

The victims range from pre-pubescent girls to grandmothers. They are
usually killed on the mere allegation of having entered 'illicit'
sexual relationships. They are never given an opportunity to give
their version of the allegation as there is no point in doing so --
the allegation alone is enough to defile a man's honour and therefore
enough to justify the killing of the woman.

According to the non-governmental Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
(HRCP), 286 women were reported to have been killed for reasons of
honour in 1998 in the Punjab alone. The Special Task Force for Sindh
of the HRCP received reports of 196 cases ofkaro-karikillings in Sindh
in 1998, involving 255 deaths. The real number of such killings is
vastly greater than those reported.

Pakistani women abroad do not escape the threat of honour killings.
The Nottingham crown court in the United Kingdom in May 1999 sentenced
a Pakistani woman and her grown-up son to life imprisonment for
murdering the woman's daughter, Rukhsana Naz, a pregnant mother of two
children. Rukhsana was perceived to have brought shame on the family
by having a sexual relationship outside marriage. Her brother
reportedly strangled Rukhsana, while her mother held her down.

Two main factors contribute to violence against women: women's
commodification and conceptions of honour. The concept of women as a
commodity, not human beings endowed with dignity and rights equal to
those of men, is deeply rooted in tribal culture. Dr Tahira Shahid
Khan of Shirkatgah, a woman's resource centre worker, explains: "Women
are considered the property of the males in their family irrespective
of their class, ethnic or religious group. The owner of the property
has the right to decide its fate. The concept of ownership has turned
women into a commodity which can be exchanged, bought and sold..."[1].

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They
are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards each
other in a spirit of brotherhood.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 1

Ownership rights are at stake when women are to be married, almost
always in Pakistan by their parents. A major consideration is the
property or assets that the young woman has a right to inherit one
day. A woman is handed over to her spouse against payment of a bride
price to her father; sometimes that bride price includes another woman
given to the father as a new wife. Some men accept a low bride price
on condition that the as yet unborn daughter of the couple will be
returned to them to be married off for another bride price. The
commodification of women is also the basis of the tradition of khoon
baha(blood money) when a woman is handed over to an adversary to
settle a conflict.

Women are seen to embody the honour of the men to whom they 'belong',
as such they must guard their virginity and chastity. By being
perceived to enter an 'illicit' sexual relationship, a woman defiles
the honour of her guardian and his family. She becomes kariand
forfeits the right to life.

In most communities there is no other punishment for a kari but death.
A man's ability to protect his honour is judged by his family and
neighbours. He must publicly demonstrate his power to safeguard his
honour by killing those who damaged it and thereby restore it. Honour
killings consequently are often performed openly.

The perception of what defiles honour has become very loose. Male
control extends not just to a woman's body and her sexual behaviour,
but to all of her behaviour, including her movements and language. In
any of these areas, defiance by women translates into undermining male
honour. Severe punishments are reported for bringing food late, for
answering back, for undertaking forbidden family visits. Standards of
honour and chastity are not applied equally to men and women, even
though they are supposed to. Surveys conducted in the North West
Frontier Province and in Balochistan found that men often go
unpunished for 'illicit' relationships whereas women are killed on the
merest rumour of 'impropriety'.

A man's honour, defiled by a woman's alleged or real sexual
misdemeanour or other defiance, is only partly restored by killing
her. He also has to kill the man allegedly involved. Since a kari is
murdered first, the karooften hears about it and flees.

To settle the issue, a faislo(agreement, meeting) or jirga is set up
if both sides - the man whose honour is defiled and the escaped karo-
agree; it is attended by representatives of both sides and headed by
the local tribal chief (sardar), his subordinate or a local landlord.
The tribal justice dispensed by the jirga or faislo is not intended to
elicit truth and punish the culprit. Justice means restoring the
balance by compensation for damage. The karowho gets away has to pay
compensation in order for his life to be spared. Compensation can be
in the form of money or the transfer of a woman or both.

Official claims that women's rights are not understood in backward
rural areas ignore the fact that there are many urban honour killings
and considerable support for them among the educated. For example,
Samia Sarwar's mother, a doctor, facilitated the honour killing of her
daughter in Lahore in April 1999 when Samia sought divorce from an
abusive husband (see below). Shahtaj Qisalbash, a witness during the
killing, reported that Samia's mother was "cool and collected during
the getaway, walking away from the murder of her daughter as though
the woman slumped in her own blood was a stranger."

The frequency of karo-kari killings and the unexpectedness with which
women are targeted contributes to an atmosphere of fear among young
women. The poet Attiya Dawood quoted a pubescent girl in a small
Sindhi village: "My brother's eyes forever follow me. My father's gaze
guards me all the time, stern, angry... We stand accused and condemned
to be declared kari and murdered."[2].

International support for women fleeing abroad when they fear for
their lives from their families' death threats has been hesitant. The
threat to the lives of women who refuse to accept their fathers'
decision relating to their marriages has only recently been recognized
as grounds for granting asylum to such women [3].

Honour killings for choosing a marriage partner

Expressing a desire to choose a spouse and marrying a partner of one's
choice are seen as major acts of defiance in a society where most
marriages are arranged by fathers. They are seen to damage the honour
of the man who negotiates the marriage and who can expect a bride
price in return for handing her over to a spouse.

Frequently fathers bring charges of zina (unlawful sexual relations)
against daughters who have married men of their choice, alleging that
they are not validly married. But even when such complaints are before
the courts, some men resort to private justice. According to local
press reports, Sher Bano, for example, was murdered outside a court in
Peshawar. She had earlier eloped with a man she wanted to marry but
was arrested on charges of zina. On 6 August 1997, when she emerged
under police guard from the court room after submitting her bail
application, her brother shot her dead.

Women who are disowned by a family over a marriage are cut loose from
their social moorings and become vulnerable to exploitation. R. [name
withheld] told Amnesty International that at the age of 15 or 16 she
married a man from another tribe against her family's wishes. Three
years later her husband verbally divorced her. Her family had
threatened to kill her for marrying a man of her choice, so she had
nowhere to go. She took up begging. Eight years later she married
another man but one day was recognized by her first husband who wanted
her to work for him as a beggar. He threatened to bring charges of
zina against her for living with another man as he denied having
divorced her. She was arrested by police. The local wadera (landlord)
intervened and had her brought before a magistrate who sent her to the
Hyderabad Darul Aman, a government-run women's shelter. She does not
know what will happen to her next.

(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race,
nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a
family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during
marriage and at its dissolution.

(2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent
of the intending spouses.

(3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society
and is entitled to protection by society and the State.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 16

Satta-wattamarriages, which involve exchange of siblings, put an
additional burden on women to abide by their father's marriage
arrangements. Shaheen was allegedly set on fire by her husband Anwar
in Gujjarpura in December 1998 in asatta- wattacontext. Their marriage
had run into trouble. Anwar wanted to send Shaheen back to her
parents, Shaheen's brother, married to Anwar's sister, refused to send
his wife home as well. Anwar found no other way to remove his shame
than to kill his wife [4].

Often women choosing a spouse are abducted and not heard of again. At
the time of writing this report, the whereabouts of Uzma Talpur who
had married Nasir Rajput against her father's wishes in November 1998
were unknown. Police arrested the couple in November on the charge of
Nasir Rajput's abduction of Uzma and charges ofzina[fornication]
against both partners despite their being validly married. In
December, police handed the young woman over to her family but when
her husband filed a constitutional petition in the Sindh High Court
for the release of his wife from parental custody, they claimed that
she had been abducted by unknown men from the court premises. In June
1999, police stated before the High Court that such an abduction had
not taken place. The High Court ordered a general search for her.

Honour killings of women seeking divorce

Women who have sought divorce through the courts have been attacked,
injured or killed. Seeking divorce is seen as an act of public
defiance that calls for punitive action to restore male honour within
the traditional setting.

On 6 April 1999, 29-year-old Samia Sarwar, a mother of two young sons,
was shot dead in her lawyer's office in Lahore. She was murdered
apparently because her mother and her husband's mother are sisters and
Samia's attempt to divorce a husband she described to her lawyer as
severely abusive, was seen to shame the family. In the 10 years of her
marriage, Samia had suffered high levels of domestic violence. In 1995
she returned to her family home after her husband had thrown her down
some stairs when she was pregnant.

Samia fled to Lahore on 26 March 1999, seeking help in the law firm
AGHS and taking refuge in the women's shelter Dastakrun by AGHS
lawyers. The lawyers included Hina Jilani and Asma Jahangir, who is
currently UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, arbitrary and
summary executions and then chairperson of the HRCP. On 6 April, when
Samia Sarwar was at her lawyer's office, Samia's mother arrived
accompanied by Samia's uncle and a driver. The driver shot Samia in
the head, killing her instantly.

The fact that the killing was carried out in the presence of well-
known lawyers indicates that the perpetrators were convinced they were
doing the right thing, were not afraid of publicity and felt no need
to hide their identity as they felt sure that the state would not hold
them to account. They were right. Despite a First Information Report
(FIR, the report filed by the complainants with police which initiates
a police investigation) filed the same day, nominating Samia's father,
mother and uncle for murder, no one has yet been arrested.

Newspapers in the North West Frontier Province reported that the
public overwhelmingly supported the killing, with many arguing that
since it was in accordance with tradition it could not be a crime.

The Chamber of Commerce in Peshawar, of which Samia's father is
President, and several religious organizations demanded that Hina
Jilani and Asma Jahangir be dealt with in accordance with "tribal and
Islamic law" and be arrested for "misleading women in Pakistan and
contributing to the country's bad image abroad". Fatwas [religious
rulings] were issued against both women and head money was promised to
anyone who killed them. In April 1999 Asma Jahangir lodged a FIR with
police against those who had threatened her and her sister with death.
Simultaneously, she called on the government to set up a judicial
inquiry headed by a Supreme Court judge to investigate almost 300
cases of honour killings reported in 1998 in Pakistan. No action is
known to have been taken on either issue.

On 11 May, Samia's father lodged a complaint with Peshawar police
accusing the two women lawyers with the abduction and murder of Samia.
They obtained bail before arrest. A month later, the Peshawar High
Court admitted their petition to quash the case and ordered police not
to take any adverse action against the lawyers on the basis on this
complaint.

Honour killings for rape

For a woman to be targeted for killing in the name of honour, her
consent -- or the lack of consent -- in an action considered shameful
is irrelevant to the guardians of honour. Consequently, a woman brings
shame on her family if she is raped.

In March 1999 a 16-year-old mentally retarded girl, Lal Jamilla
Mandokhel, was reportedly raped several times by a junior clerk of the
local government department of agriculture in a hotel in Parachinar,
North West Frontier Province. The girl's uncle filed a complaint about
the incident with police who took the accused into protective custody
but handed over the girl to her tribe, the Mazuzai in the Kurram
Agency. A jirga of Pathan tribesmen decided that she had brought shame
to her tribe and that the honour could only be restored by her death.
She was shot dead in front of a tribal gathering.

Nafisa Shah reports that women who expose rape and thereby dishonour
their men are particularly vulnerable. Arbab Khatoon, raped by three
men in a village in Jacobabad district, reportedly lodged a complaint
with police. She was murdered seven hours later. According to local
residents, she was killed by her relatives for bringing dishonour to
the family by going to the police [5].

Fake honour killings

In honour killings, if only the kari is killed and the karoescapes, as
is often the case, the karo has to compensate the affected man -- for
the damage to honour he inflicted, for the woman's worth who was
killed and to have his own life spared.

This scheme provides many opportunities to make money, obtain a women
in compensation or to conceal other crimes, in the near certainty that
honour killings if they come to court will be dealt with leniently.
Nafisa Shah speaks of an "honour killing industry" involving tribes
people, police and tribal mediators.

In November 1997 Mussarrat Bibi, a mother of three children, pregnant
and married for 11 years, was beaten to death by frenzied villagers in
Chehel Khurd near Qilla Deedar Singh in Sheikupura district after
rumours of her immoral behaviour spread. Inquiries revealed that the
real reason for her death was that she had refused to work for the
local landlords without payment. Two people were reported to have been
detained briefly.

Reports abound about men who have killed other men in murders not
connected with honour issues who then kill a woman of their own family
as alleged kari to camouflage the initial murder as an honour killing.

The lure of compensation has in some cases led to publicly known
distortions of truth. In Ghotki, a man reportedly vouched for his
wife's innocence after she had been attacked by his brother who
alleged that she was guilty of an 'illicit' relationship. The husband
took her to Karachi for treatment but when told that she would be
permanently paralysed from the waist down, he reneged, declared her a
kari and took a woman in compensation from the supposed karo's family.

The fact that women are often given in compensation when illicit
relations are alleged has led to further perversions of the honour
system. If a woman refuses to marry a man, he may declare a man of her
family a karoand demand her in compensation for not killing him. In
some cases, he may even kill a woman of his own family to lend weight
to the allegation. Attiya Dawood cited an incident in Moorath village,
related to her by the sister of the alleged karo. Her brother
Amanullah had married a woman who had earlier been fond of her cousin
Nazir, a married man with eight children. Unable to obtain her
family's consent to marry her, Nazir murdered Amanullah, then killed
his own innocent sister and declared both karoand kari. After a brief
prison term, he was given Amanullah's wife, now a widow, in
compensation for the supposed infringement of his honour.

Punitive domestic violence against women

Honour killings are but an extreme form of violence against women.
Domestic violence is also frequently intended to punish a woman for
any perceived insubordination supposedly impacting on male honour.
Sabira Khan, for example, who was married at 16 to a man more than
twice her age, was shortly after her wedding in 1991 told by her
husband that she must never see her family again. When in December
1993 she tried to break this rule, she said that he and his mother
poured kerosene over her and set her on fire. She was three months
pregnant. Despite 60 per cent burns she survived, badly scarred. She
has fought since then to bring charges against the perpetrators -- so
far in vain. The magistrate in Jhelum upheld her husband's argument
that Sabira was insane and had set herself on fire. An appeal is
pending in the Rawalpindi High Court bench.

Shahnaz Bokhari of the Progressive Women's Association in Islamabad
says that since March 1994, when the organization was set up, it has
monitored 1,600 cases of women burned in their homes in Rawalpindi and
Islamabad alone. These are only the reported cases.

No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 5

HRCP's 1998 annual report states bluntly: "Woman's subordination
remained so routine by custom and traditions, and even putatively by
religion, that much of the endemic domestic violence against her was
considered normal behaviour... A sample survey showed 82 per cent of
women in rural Punjab feared violence resulting from husbands'
displeasure over minor matters; in the most developed urban areas 52
per cent admitted being beaten by husbands."[6].

Few places to hide

Girls and women who fear punishment for alleged breaches of
traditional norms of honour have few places to hide. They rarely know
their way about in the world outside the home, they are unused to
public transport, usually have no money and are vulnerable to further
abuse if moving around alone. The high proportion of karis killed in
relation to karosalso reflects this sheer inability of women to move
in the outside world. Many of the women who run are caught and killed.

All are equal before the law and entitled without any discrimination
to equal protection of law.

All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in
violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such
discrimination.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 7

One of the few places where a kari is safe is in the home of a tribal
sardar, a pir(holy man) or in a religious shrine. Here women can
obtain protection against murder. However, they are still expected to
abide by strict social roles. In many cases, women remain for years as
unpaid servants in the house of the sardars and are sometimes abused.

A few women reach state-run or private shelters of which there are
simply too few. These women often seek to pursue their rights through
legal channels -- but may not be aware that by approaching the state
system they block their return to their communities. Such shelters
have recently become targets of attacks.

Unable to escape violence or forced marriage, some women resort to
suicide. Police have not paid attention to family members or the
community abetting such suicides. No official figures of women's
suicides exist and many women are quietly buried to cover up the
possible damage to the family's honour. Occasionally, however, such
cases come to light. On 29 March 1999 an 18-year- old college girl,
Qaisrana Bibi, committed suicide in Khanpur when her parents put
pressure on her to marry a man she did not want. She lay across a rail
track and was crushed by a train.

Honour killings and the state

The international understanding of state responsibility for human
rights violations has significantly widened in recent years to include
not only violations of human rights by state agents but also abuses by
private actors which the state ignores. If the state fails to act with
due diligence to prevent, investigate and punish abuses, including
violence against women in the name of honour, it is responsible under
international human rights law. This view of state responsibility is
established in all the core human rights treaties. The Declaration on
the Elimination of Violence against Women, adopted by the UN General
Assembly in 1993 affirmed that states must "exercise due diligence to
prevent, investigate and, in accordance with national legislation,
punish acts of violence against women, whether those acts are
perpetrated by the State or by private persons".

The Government of Pakistan has failed to take measures to prevent and
end honour killings. It has not sought to eradicate traditions which
prescribe honour killings nor ended the virtual impunity of
perpetrators of such killings. Discriminatory laws making full redress
difficult persist. Police and the judiciary have applied the law in a
biased manner as a result of which perpetrators have not been held to
account for honour killings and the practice has been perpetuated.

Government indifference to honour killings

The Government of Pakistan has not shown any determination to bring
violence against women on grounds of honour to a halt, thus virtually
signalling official indifference if not approval of the system.

Government inaction received more public exposure after the honour
killing of Samia Sarwar in Hina Jilani's office in April 1999. A
representative of the government condemned the killing before the UN
Human Right Commission in Geneva. But in Pakistan, where attitudes
need to be changed, the government three weeks after the killing
declared it a 'dishonourable' act without ensuring that adequate
action would be taken. The accused have not been arrested and no
action has been taken against those who issued death threats against
Asma Jahangir and Hina Jilani for protecting women's rights.

The government's disregard for its obligations to take measures to
alter public perceptions involving gender bias, to which it committed
itself when ratifying the UN Convention on the Elimination on All
Forms of Discrimination against Women, is partly responsible for the
persistence and indeed increase of honour killings. When the 1998
annual report of the HRCP was released in March 1999, Information
Minister Mushahid Hussain reportedly said about allegations of
violence against women and of child labour: "These are a feature of
Pakistan feudal society, they are not part of any government policy or
a consequence of any law..."[7].

State Parties shall take all appropriate measures: (a) To modify the
social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women, with a view
to achieving the elimination of prejudices and customary and all other
practices which are based on the idea of inferiority or the
superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and
women.

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women, Article 5

The present government has taken no effective steps to change gender
bias in Pakistan with a view to ensuring equality to all citizens. The
comprehensive recommendations made by the Commission of Inquiry for
Women set up on the direction of the Senate of Pakistan have not been
implemented. As long as such inaction goes on, honour killings and
other violent abuse of women will continue.

Gender bias in law

The status of women in Pakistan has been described as defined by the
"interplay of tribal codes, Islamic law, Indo-British judicial
traditions and customary traditions ... [which have] created an
atmosphere of oppression around women, where any advantage or
opportunity offered to women by one law is cancelled out by one or
more of the others" [8].Traditional norms, Islamic provisions (as
interpreted in Pakistan) and statutory law diverge in many areas
relevant to women's lives, including control of assets, inheritance,
marriage, divorce, sexual relations, rape and custody. The Government
of Pakistan has failed to ensure that women are aware of their legal
and constitutional rights and to ensure that these rights and freedoms
take precedence over norms which deny women equality. The lives of
women who are by and large confined to the private sphere do not
benefit from constitutionally secured fundamental rights.

Among statutory laws, it is particularly two laws which disadvantage
women in Pakistan, both introduced in the name of the Islamisation of
law. The 1990 law of Qisas and Diyat covers offences relating to
physical injury, manslaughter and murder. The law reconceptualized the
offences in such a way that they are not directed against the legal
order of the state but against the victim. A judge in the Supreme
Court explained: "In Islam, the individual victim or his heirs retain
from the beginning to the end entire control over the matter including
the crime and the criminal. They may not report it, they may not
prosecute the offender. They may abandon prosecution of their free
will. They may pardon the criminal at any stage before the execution
of the sentence. They may accept monetary or other compensation to
purge the crime and the criminal. They may compromise. They may accept
qisas[punishment equal to the offence] from the criminal. The state
cannot impede but must do its best to assist them in achieving their
object and in appropriately exercising their rights."[9].

This reconceptualization of offences has sent the signal that murders
of family members are a family affair and that prosecution and
judicial redress are not inevitable but may be negotiated.

The law of Qisas and Diyat prescribes that the death penalty may not
be imposed for murder as either qisas[punishment equal to the offence
committed] or tazir[discretionary punishment, when the evidence is
insufficient to impose qisas] when the wali[heir] of the victim is a
direct descendant of the offender. In such cases the court may only
impose a maximum of 14 years' imprisonment. Thus, if a man murders his
wife with whom he has a child, who then is the victim's heir and the
descendent of the offender, he can at most be sentenced to 14 years'
imprisonment.

Men who have killed their wives or daughters for bringing shame on
them could also in the past find relief under the provision of "grave
and sudden provocation". Section 300(1) of the Pakistan Penal Code
(PPC) read: "Culpable homicide is not murder if the offender, whilst
deprived of the power of self-control by grave and sudden provocation,
causes the death of the person who gave the provocation..." The
punishment for manslaughter is imprisonment, for murder it is death.

In its interpretation by the courts, the law provided men who have
killed their wives or daughters for allegedly bringing shame on them
with mitigating circumstances not available to women. Courts opined
that if the provocation - to a man's honour - is grave and sudden as
when someone tells him that his wife has an 'illicit' relationship, he
loses all power of self-control and is not fully responsible for his
actions.

This provision was omitted when the Qisas and Diyat law was introduced
in 1990 but judicial practice still allows such mitigating
circumstances (see below).

(1) State Parties shall accord to women equality with men before the
law.

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women, Article 15

The 1979 Zina law has also contributed to restricting women's rights
[10].The gender discrimination inherent in it sent an affirmative
signal to those intent on treating women as second class human beings
with fewer rights than men. It has also provided a handy tool with
which to detain women who take any initiative with respect to their
choice of a spouse, as fathers often bring zinacharges against such
women.

Gender bias of the police force

Often police act or allow themselves to be used as guardians of
tradition and morality rather than impartial enforcers of the law.
Frequently, fathers use police to recover or unlawfully arrest and
detain their adult daughters who have married men of their choice.
Despite numerous judgments asserting that adult women have the right
to marry without their male guardians' consent, police continue to
register complaints of abduction and zinaagainst women making use of
this right, even though police could easily ascertain if couples were
married and thus not guilty of either abduction or zina.

When women are seriously injured by their husbands or families, police
still discourage them from registering complaints and advise them to
seek reconciliation with their husbands or families.

In karo-kari cases, when husbands appear in police stations declaring
that they have killed a girl or woman of their family, police often
fail to take action, reflecting their unwillingness to enforce the law
over custom.

Financial corruption also seems to contribute to police inaction
before such crimes. Nafisa Shah quotes villagers in Kashmore as saying
around 1993: "The police in Kashmore charge 7,000 Rupees to keep
silent about karo-kari murders... They never record cases and so we
have a zero per cent crime rate". She reports that "police stations in
Jacobabad district are considered goldmines in police circles because
of the high incidence of karo-kari murders there. A conservative
estimate puts the number of karo-kari murders in Jacobabad at between
55 and 60 a month." Given the lucrative aspect of honour killings,
police are not interested in ending the practice.

Police also appear to cover up fake honour killings. A housewife,
Khadeja, and a bank officer were shot dead on 19 January 1999 in
Jampur city, Rajanpur district in southern Punjab by Khadeja's
husband, Ameer Bukhsh. He then turned himself in, acknowledging the
killings and alleging the victims' illicit relationship. Khadeja's
brother, Abdul Qadir, registered a complaint of murder against Ameer
Bukhsh. Six days later, Abdul Qadir received a copy of the FIR which
he said had distorted his complaint. He reported that police
threatened to involve him in a murder case if he did not sign a false
statement. Abdul Qadir alleged that Ameer Bukhsh had killed the bank
officer for some other reason before killing his wife as a cover up
and that he had bribed police to distort the complaint.

Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent
national tribunal for acts violating the fundamental rights granted
him by the constitution or by law.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 8

Similarly, burn cases are rarely investigated by police. Of the 183
women reported to have died of burn injuries allegedly caused in
cooking accidents in Lahore in 1998, only 21 complaints were
registered with police and only three people finally arrested, despite
a High Court ruling three years earlier that all burn cases be
investigated fully by police. The HRCP report added that at least 70
of the victims were not even cooking when the supposed accident took
place.

Gender bias of judges

Pakistan's judges, particularly at the lower level of the judiciary,
tend to reinforce discriminatory customary norms rather than securing
constitutionally secured gender equality. For example, women recovered
after alleged abductions and women whose marriage to men of their
choice was challenged by their fathers are usually placed in the
custody of state-run institutions until the courts have decided the
issue -- and are treated by the court as "crime property". "Courts
have been known to refuse issuance of the writ of habeas corpusseeking
the liberty of a woman on the grounds that her right to liberty is
subject to conformity to social norms, and any suspicion that she may
not abide by the standards of morality can disentitle her from
receiving relief in equity."[11].

Parts of the judiciary appear convinced that any interference in the
patriarchal structure of society will disrupt society and that it is
its duty to guard against such upheaval. However, this attitude
ignores that the existing structure of society perpetuates a
discrimination on gender grounds which deprives one half of the
population of basic rights.

In dealing with honour killings, the courts have usually accepted the
mitigation contained in section 300(1) of the Pakistan Penal Code
(before its removal in 1990), despite the fact that such killings are
usually premeditated, not committed under sudden and severe
provocation. Moreover, they continue to place a low threshold on what
constitutes provocation.

In some cases, courts have found extenuating circumstances even when
the murderer did not claim to have been suddenly and severely
provoked. Muhammad Younis killed his wife, alleging that he had caught
her committing adultery. Although all the circumstances, including
medical evidence, spoke against this assertion, the court accepted
mitigating circumstances: "The appellant had two children from his
deceased wife and when he took the extreme step of taking her life
giving her repeated knife blows on different parts of her body, she
must have done something unusual to enrage him to that extent." [12].

After 1990, which saw the formal removal of the right to plead
mitigating circumstances, the courts have gradually reintroduced this
provision in their interpretation of the law and sentenced men charged
with crimes of honour to lighter sentences than for similar acts of
violence not involving honour.

The Lahore High Court in 1994, while hearing the bail application of
Liaqat Ali who had gravely injured his sister and stabbed to death a
man he allegedly found with her, was told by the petitioner's counsel
that in an Islamic society a person found to indulge in zina in public
deserved to be "finished" there and then. Indeed, such murder was more
of a religious duty than an offence. The judge is reported to have
said: "Prima facie, I am inclined to agree with the counsel."

Marriages contracted by women against the wishes of their fathers are
perceived by many courts to impact on the father's honour and to
justify a man losing control and killing the offender. Mohammad Riaz
and Mohammad Feroze were sentenced to life imprisonment for killing
their sister who had married a man of her choice. The Lahore High
Court reduced the sentence to the imprisonment already undergone -- 18
months -- saying that "in our society nobody forgives a person who
marries his sister or daughter without the consent of parents or near
relatives."[13].

State Parties shall....undertake: ....

(c) to establish legal protection of the rights women on an equal
basis with men to ensure through competent national tribunal and other
public institutions the effective protection of women against any sort
of discrimination; ......

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women, Article 2

Amnesty International believes that penal sanctions commensurate with
the gravity of the offence should apply to honour crimes. However, it
opposes unconditionally the imposition of the death penalty, which it
regards as a violation of the right to life and the ultimate cruel,
inhuman and degrading punishment. Accordingly, Amnesty International
does not think that men murdering female relatives should be sentenced
to death but welcomes all commutations of death sentences. At the same
time, it is concerned at the message the judiciary sends when it
treats such murders as less serious than other murders. The acceptance
of family honour as a mitigating circumstance by judges in Pakistan
leading to reduced sentencing of perpetrator of honour killings is by
many observers in Pakistan seen to contribute to an increase of such
crimes.

Amnesty International's recommendations to the Government of Pakistan

Amnesty International calls on the Government of Pakistan to take
urgent measures in the following three areas in fulfilment of its
obligation to provide effective protection to women against violence
perpetrated in the name of honour and to end the impunity currently
enjoyed by its perpetrators.

1. Legal measures

1.Undertake a review of criminal laws to ensure equal protection of
law to women.

2.Adopt legislation which makes domestic violence in all its
manifestations a criminal offence. The UN Special Rapporteur on
violence against women developed a framework for model legislation on
domestic violence [14] which Amnesty International recommends be used
when drafting legislation against such crimes.

3.Make the sale of women and girls, the giving of women in marriage
against financial consideration and as a form of compensation in lieu
of a fine or imprisonment a criminal offence.

4.Provide women victims of violence with access to the mechanisms of
justice and to just and effective remedies for the harm they have
suffered.

5.Ensure that the provincial home departments, commissioners, deputy
commissioners and senior police staff take notice of all reports of
honour killings and ensure that every single case is investigated and
brought to prosecution.

6.Abolish the death penalty and commute all death sentences.

2. Preventive measures

7.Undertake wide-ranging public awareness programs through the media,
the education system and public announcements to inform both men and
women of women's equal rights.

8.In particular, provide gender-sensitization training to law
enforcement and judicial personnel to enable them to impartially
address complaints of violence in the name of honour.

9.Ensure that data and statistics are collected in a manner that makes
the problem visible.

3. Protective measures

10.Ensure that activists, lawyers and women's groups can pursue their
legitimate activities without harassment or fear for their safety by
providing adequate police protection and pursue all such threats with
a view to punishment.




11.Expand victim support services provided by the state or non-
governmental organizations; they should be run as places of voluntary
recourse for women and their purpose should be only protective; they
should be available all over the country, adequately resourced, and
linked to legal aid, vocational training and with adequate provisions
for children.

(1)Tahira Shahid Khan: "Chained to custom" in: The Review, 4-10 March
1999, p.9.

(2) Attiya Dawood, "Karo-kari: A question of honour, but whose
honour?", in: Feminista, 2 (3/4), April 1999.

(3) See a recent Canadian decision: CRDD M97- 06821et al., Michnick,
Arvanitakis, July 14, 1998.

(4) Dawn, 16 December 1998.

(5) Nafisa Shah: A story in black: Karo-kari killings in upper Sindh,
Reuter Foundation Paper 100, Oxford, 1998, p. 56.

(6) The State of Human Rights in 1998, 1999, p.216 and p.10.

(7) Reuter, 10 March 1999.

(8) Simi Kamal, Asma Khan: A study of the interplay of formal and
customary laws on women, vol.I, 1997, p.ii.

(9) Federation of Pakistan through Secr. Min. of Law vs. S. Gul Hassan
Khan, PLD 1989 SC 633

(10) For a detailed discussion see: Women in Pakistan: Disadvantaged
and denied their rights, AI Index: ASA 33/23/95.

(11) Hina Jilani, Human rights and democratic development in Pakistan,
Lahore, 1998, p.143-144.

(12) Muhammad Younis vs. the State, 1989 Pcr LJ 1747.

(13) Mohammad Riaz and Mohammad Feroze vs. the State, Lahore High
Court, 1998.

(14) E/CN.4/1996/53/Add.2

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-02 22:59:25 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/opinion/edit-page/Past-Present-And-Future/articleshow/articleshow/5078612.cms

'India is very secular, but not in the western sense'
2 October 2009, 12:00am IST

Dominic Emmanuel , spokesperson of the Delhi Catholic Archdiocese, was
given the National Communal Harmony award recently. Emmanuel, a
founding member of the Sarvadharam Sadbhav Sansad (Parliament of
Religions), has been involved in promoting inter-faith dialogue
through articles, books, radio programmes and films. Dominic
Emmanuel , spokesperson of the Delhi Catholic Archdiocese, was given
the National Communal Harmony award recently. Emmanuel, a founding
member of the Sarvadharam Sadbhav Sansad (Parliament of Religions),
has been involved in promoting inter-faith dialogue through articles,
books, radio programmes and films. Michel Lemme spoke to Emmanuel:

As a priest, what is your experience of communal harmony in India?

Being a priest in India is very exciting, challenging and fascinating.
I've always been interested in inter-religious dialogue. I feel it is
an urgent need in this country.

Religious conversion is a sensitive issue here. Do you think
Christianity in India needs to find a balance between inter-religious
dialogue and spreading of the gospel?

Dialogue within Indian culture is a very old story. The ground reality
of India itself takes us automatically into dialogue with other
religions; there is no escape from that. Right-wing fundamentalist
groups have raised the issue of conversion in the recent past. Their
argument is we are luring the poor into conversion. That's an
unacceptable argument. Tell me one country in the world where
Christians are not working with the poor and the oppressed? Also
people get converted not only from Hinduism to Christianity, there are
thousands of Christians who have become followers of Hindu gurus.
Conversion is a natural process that has gone on in human society all
the time. Helping the poor and the needy is the most important mission
of the Church. That's why we should not be scared of people who blame
us for conversions, because for all you know they may be only trying
to stop us from working for the poor.

During the 2008 communal violence in Orissa, India was chided on the
international stage for the inadequacy of its response to the riots.
What's your perspective on Indian secularism?

India is very secular, but not in the western sense, where religion
has no place in state affairs. For us, secularism is defined as equal
respect for all religions. I feel that in India secularism is in
practice both in the government and society. As for Orissa, it has to
be said that law and order issues are the responsibility of the
states, not the Centre. However, the central government could have
been a little more serious about the riots there.

Relating to the politics of secularism in India, do you support the
demand of SC reservations for non-Hindu Dalits?

Yes. I've been part of the campaign of Christians asking for Dalit
status, so that they can obtain some advantages from the government.
They say Christianity doesn't believe in the caste system, and yes it
is true, we don't believe in the caste system. But you can't just wish
away something that has existed for the past 3,000 years.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-03 07:44:34 UTC
Permalink
http://www.daily.pk/hindu-holocaust-museum-11629/

Hindu holocaust museum

Written by (Author ) Editorials Oct 3, 2009 A fundraiser in New
Jersey, USA on August 16, 2009 raised $50,000 for a “Hindu Holocaust”
museum to be built in Pune, India. The museum is the brainchild of a
Frenchman, Francois Gautier, and is under the auspices of the Viraat
Hindu Sabha (VHS), The Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS), a sister
organization of the fanatic Hindu militant outfit Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
They claim that over the past thousand years, millions of Hindus were
killed, with the intention to wipe Hindus off the map. It is to be
“dedicated to the many millions of Hindu lives lost, to the loss of
cultural and spiritual institutions, temples and burning of scriptures
by Islamic and Christian invaders to Bharatvarsha (India) who even
today, and with government sanction, seek to finally convert every
last Hindu and prays for the complete extinction of the oldest
religion known to mankind, Sanatana Dharma (Hinduism).”

The perpetrators of the Hindu Holocaust Museum claim that the genocide
suffered by the Hindu Community at the hands of the Muslim occupying
forces in India for a period of 1100 years is as yet formally
undocumented. They reiterate that the only similar genocide in the
recent past was that of the Jewish people at the hands of the Nazis;
and of the Africans during the slave trade perpetrated by the Arab
Muslim slave traders and later by the European colonialists as also
the almost total wiping out of native populations like the Maoris in
Australia and the Red Indians, (Aztecs, Incas, etc.) in North and
South America. It has been estimated that in all, millions of African
men, women and children died throughout the trade and more than 75% of
the native Americans were wiped out. They assert that the holocaust of
the Hindus was of similar proportions, the only difference was that it
started in the year 715 C.E. with the Arab Muslim invasion of Sindh
and continued for 1100 years, i.e. for more than a millennium, till
the brutal Muslims were effectively overpowered by the Hindu Marathas
in 1720 C.E. The extremist Hindu historians declare that since times
immemorial India had been invaded by many people from different parts
of the globe. But what contrasted the pre-Muslim invaders from the
Muslims was that after their initial clash with Hindu military power,
the pre-Muslim invaders merged into the general mainstream and even
the memory of their having come as invaders itself disappeared. They
do not consider Emperors like Kanishka (a Ku Shan or Kushana), Milinda
(an Indo-Greek), Rudradaman (a Shaka or Scythian from pre-Muslim Iran)
to be non-Indians.

These invaders have merged into today’s general Hindu population. But
the Muslims with their barrack like lifestyle and their contempt for
everything non-Islamic have left a wounded civilization in India. The
brutal Muslim tyranny has till today left a split in India’s national
character, even after the country was vivisected into two parts – to
create Pakistan as a state for Indian Muslims. But in spite of the
division of this country to create a separate homeland for the Muslims
in 1947, many of them preferred to stay back and today account for the
recurrent communal riots, the killings of Hindus and Sikhs in Kashmir
and the renewed demand for special status and for the Islamization of
India. The question here arises why Francois Gautier has been
professing The Hindu Holocaust Museum and earning his bread and butter
by flaming hatred for Indian Muslims? Professor Vijay Prashad,
Professor of South Asian History Trinity College Hartford,
Connecticut, in his article ‘Hindu holocaust’ (News India Times, Sept.
25, 2009) sheds some light on Gautier’s rationale for purporting the
idea of a Hindu holocaust museum. He says that Gautier came to India
from France about 30 years ago, and settled in Pondicherry. His work
reads like another European apologist for extreme Hindutva, Koenraad
Elst. Both went to strict Catholic schools and now hold a deep animus
against Christian missionaries, but seem to take their venom out
mainly against Islam. Gautier and Elst want to make plain the “Muslim
genocide against Hindus.”

But neither is a serious student of history, with little idea of how
to read historical texts. They draw more from a misplaced passion than
from a real, sober scientific exploration of the facts. That they are
taken seriously is a sign of the degradation of reason in the world of
Hindutva. The idea of the Hindu Holocaust casts the Hindu as history’s
victim, who should now become history’s aggressor to avenge the past.
But the Hindu was not always the victim. If you read the historical
records carefully, you will find that many Hindus participated in the
slaughter of other Hindus, and that the Hindu-Buddhist battles of the
ancient world were perhaps more bloody than anything that comes
afterward. Or indeed, that the systematic violence against Dalits and
other subordinate castes should hold our attention far more than it
does. Between Hindus and Muslims there has not been an endless rivalry
for social power.

When Islam enters the subcontinent, it does not come in the saddlebags
of the Ghaznis or the Ghouris, but amongst the rumble of goods brought
by traders. Early conversions are not by the sword but by the
merchants. There was killing, but that was as much for reasons of
warfare and plunder as for reasons of God and tradition. An interested
reader might want to look at the distinguished historian Romila
Thapar’s superb book “Somnatha: The Many Voices of a
History” (Penguin, 2005). There, Professor Thapar shows us that Mahmud
Ghazni’s destruction of the Shiva temple in 1026 was driven not so
much by a fanatical religious belief but because his father,
Subuktigin, needed money to sustain his faltering kingdom in Central
Asia. It is heartrending that one of the worst butchers of humanity,
who showed their true colors during the partition of the sub-continent
in 1947 by planned genocide of the Muslims, later, massacred hundreds
of thousands of innocent Kashmiris and Muslims in Gujarat and Mumbai
should be talking of a “Hindu holocaust museum”. Sultan M Hali

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-03 07:55:22 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/mine-mine/524429/

Mine, mine
The Indian Express

Posted: Saturday , Oct 03, 2009 at 0314 hrs

Iron Man, we know, is a profitable superhero franchise that has been
re-imagined several times over, to suit the changing times. India’s
own Iron Man, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, is turning out to be a pretty
malleable cultural icon, made over by the BJP and fought for by the
Congress.

Patel, that doughty crusader for a unified India, would be entirely
surprised at the kind of political war raging over him. BJP
politicians from L.K. Advani to Narendra Modi like to trace their
genealogy back to him — in the popular imagination, he combines a
tough-guy image with an inflexible nationalism and cultural
conservatism. His legendary differences with Jawaharlal Nehru make it
easier to pitch Patel as the man whose vision the Congress failed to
understand, and for the BJP to appropriate. Patel, of course, can no
longer protest this ahistorical hostile takeover of his image. After
the flap over Jaswant Singh’s book, the Gujarat government rushed to
ban it, citing injury to Patel’s reputation — “he is considered the
architect of the modern India, no one can show him in bad light.” They
had to climb down from that position after court orders, but Modi
soldiers on in the effort to wrest Patel’s legacy. Meanwhile, the
Congress has belatedly learnt to guard its turf — sanctioning Rs 17
crore to spruce up the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel National Memorial in
Ahmedabad and lavish attention on Patel through a book and artwork.

Modi stole the thunder, claiming that Sardar Patel should have been
India’s first prime minister. He freely fantasised: had Sardar Patel
been the first prime minister of the country, farmers would not have
committed suicide in Karnataka and Maharashtra. There would have been
no terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir. He also hit the Congress where it
hurts, claiming that Patel had predicted the Chinese threat, writing
to Jawaharlal Nehru in 1950 and asking him to revise defence policy.
Sonia Gandhi hit back, saying that to “claim that there were
unbearable disagreements between Sardar Patel and Pandit Nehru is to
distort history.” And indeed, despite their well-known differences,
there was no personal animus between Patel and Nehru — Sardar Patel
remained a Congress anchor till the end. But then again, historical
fact is hardly likely to get in the way of Modi’s grandiose self-
fashioning project.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-03 08:00:05 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/hindu-puja/524298/#postComment

Jamaat-e-Islami condemns 'Shastra Poojan' on Dusshera
Agencies

Posted: Friday , Oct 02, 2009 at 2058 hrs
Bhopal:

The Madhya Pradesh unit of the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind has condemned the
'Shastra Poojan' (worship of weapons) by Chief Minister Shivraj Singh
Chouhan and some academic institutions in the state on Dusshera.

Jamaat spokesmen, Anwar Safi in a statement, said that this was not
the first time when the BJP government was promoting the agenda of the
RSS.

Anwar said the state government had already created controversies by
introducing Surya Namaskar, Vande Mataram and 'Bhojan Mantras' in
schools since it came to power.

He said that while the RSS had claimed all these practices as
religious, Education minister Archana Chitnis maintained that it was a
social tradition.

A vast Hindu population disliked the RSS-BJP agenda as it "disturbs"
social fabric, he claimed.

Chouhan had performed a 'Shastra Poojan' on September 28, on the
occasion of Dusshera, in the CM house. A couple of educational
institutions, including RSS-run Saraswati Shishu Mandir, too performed
a similar pooja on their premises.

Comments (1) |

Hindu puja

By: Harsh Patel | 02-Oct-2009

Jamat e whatever your name is you keep your business towards you only
there is no need to tell hindus how to perform our puja,

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-03 20:13:56 UTC
Permalink
http://mangalorean.com/news.php?newstype=broadcast&broadcastid=148523

BJP govt best friend of Minorities- Qureshi

Assures Chairman of Minority commission
By Team Mangalorean
Pics: Rajesh Shetty

MANGALORE, October 3, 2009: The Chairman of the State Minority
Commission Mr. Khusro Qureshi has assured the minorities in the
Dakshina Kannada district not to worry too much on the insecurity as
the government was trying hard to give them all the security through
police and the security agencies in the state.

Mr. Qureshi speaking to the presspersons here today stated that it is
true that there were some issues between the two communities, but all
that has been more or less based on hearsay, deep inside the society
both communities were together and living harmoniously. He said the
B.S. Yeddyurppa government had taken so many decisions that would
favour the minorities in the state. One of them was the socio-economic
and educational development of the minorities.

For the Dakshina Kannada district the Yeddyurappa government had given
five times more budget for spending on minority welfare which was
unprecedented in the history of the district under any government.

He said he did not believe that two communities are at war in the
district, it was only few persons running loose from the law that were
creating problems to secure their own ends. He said Mr. Yeddyurappa
had assured that all the outstanding issues between the two
communities will be sorted out in time and in totality and Dakshina
Kannada will be a model district for communal harmony.

Mr. Qureshi said he shared the views expressed by the Chief Minister
and wanted the district to be safe for everybody and the BJP
government at the state and every official and politician will work
for it.

Mr. Qureshi said that the colleges are free to impose their dress
codes and everyone of us should try to keep politics and religion away
from the field of education. He said this when one of the reporters
sought clarification on the Burkah issue that had rocked the district
sometime back.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-05 19:22:05 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/city/mangalore/Opposition-claim-of-BJP-being-anti-minority-baseless-Quraishi/articleshow/5091322.cms

Opposition claim of BJP being anti-minority baseless: Quraishi
TNN 5 October 2009, 11:01pm IST

MANGALORE: The state government has found an able ally in Karnataka
State Minorities Commission to bat for its pro-minority credentials.
It was an assertive Khusro Quraishi, chairman of the commission who
while reeling out statistics on budgetary support given by the BJP
government to the minorities launched a diatribe against the
opposition particularly the Congress questioning their role in
upliftment of the minorities.

Quraishi, making his fifth visit to Dakshina Kannada since taking over
as head of the commission, told reporters here on Saturday that the
opposition's claim of the BJP being anti-minorities in general, and
anti-Muslim in particular is baseless. "While the highest ever
budgetary support for welfare of minorities during previous
governments was Rs 23 crore, it has risen to Rs 167 crore in 2008-09,
and Rs 172 crore in 2009-10," he said.

The Congress government under S M Krishna had six ministers, a dozen
MLAs and six MPs, all from minority communities. Yet these elected
representatives did nothing to uplift the socio-economic conditions of
the minorities in Karnataka, Quraishi observed. The BJP government
despite having no sizable minority representation has gone out of its
way to help the socio-economic empowerment of all six-minority
communities in the state.

An addition of 23 pre and post-metric hostels for the minorities, 48
Morarji Desai residential schools, with 75 per cent reservation for
Muslim students in each of these institutions is a testimony to the
government's resolve to aid this community. Effective utilisation of
Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan funds of the Centre, and state government
funding for the above two institutions should address educational
backwardness among Muslims, he said.

Lack of economic empowerment and illiteracy are the driving forces,
which lead youths from minority communities to get into anti-social
activities, he said. If one checks the credentials of youths involved
in acts of communal strife in recent past, it is found that most are
unemployed and illiterate, he said.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-07 09:16:21 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/318292_Top-LeT-militants-among-5-ultras-killed-in-Kashmir

Top LeT militants among 5 ultras killed in Kashmir
STAFF WRITER 13:8 HRS IST

Srinagar, Oct 7 (PTI) Three top Lashkar-e-Toiba militants were among
five ultras killed in three separate encounters with security forces
in Kashmir Valley today.

Acting on a tip off, police assisted by army cordoned Satkoji near
Zachaldara in Kupwara, 80 kms from here.The militants hiding in the
forest opened fire at the joint search party and in the ensuing
encounter, three foreign militants owing allegiance to LeT were
killed, a police spokesman said.

One of the slain militants has been identified as Abu Hamza, a top LeT
Pakistani militant.

Another militant was killed in a gunfight with security forces at
Trikanjan in Baramulla district, 90 kms from here, this morning, the
spokesman said.

Security forces also resumed operation this morning to flush out
militants hiding in Khrew forests in Pulwama district of South Kashmir
and recovered body of a militant, a defence ministry spokesman said.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-07 09:23:59 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/318208_India-still-the-greatest-threat-for-Pak--Petraeus

India still the greatest threat for Pak: Petraeus
STAFF WRITER 12:18 HRS IST
Lalit K Jha

Washington, Oct 7 (PTI) Despite the fact that their military is
fighting tough battle against Taliban and al-Qaeda terrorists, the
Pakistan leaders and the ISI still believes India is the greatest
threat to them, a top US military official said today.

"It is important to note that India is still seen as the greatest
threat, greater than the Taliban, greater than even al-Qaeda. So there
are still some dynamics there that are challenging," US Central
Command Commander Gen David Petraeus said at the Association of the US
Army annual meeting.

Commending Pakistani military in taking successful action against the
terrorists in the Swat Valley, Petraeus said they have cleared the
vast majority of the Swat Valley.

The US General said the operations have resulted in the death and
capture of significant number of senior Taliban leaders.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-07 09:35:49 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/318090_Vibes-from-India-are-positive--Qureshi

Vibes from India are positive: Qureshi
STAFF WRITER 10:5 HRS IST

Washington, Oct 7 (PTI) Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood
Qureshi said that he got positive vibes from India and there was
nothing to "disagree" between the two countries.

"Being a politician, I can read between the lines and I can tell you I
got positive vibes, because my message was positive, my engagement was
positive, my intentions are positive," Qureshi said.

"I have suggested a way forward, and I saw nothing in him (Krishna)
where he could disagree with me," Qureshi said when asked about his
meeting with India's External Affairs Minister S M Krishna in New York
on September 27 on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session.

Accompanied by their respective foreign secretaries and other top
officials, the two ministers met for more than an hour in a New York
hotel on September 27.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-07 09:37:40 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/318032_No-condition-imposed-on-Pak-for-USD-7-5-aid--Kerry

No condition imposed on Pak for USD 7.5 aid: Kerry
STAFF WRITER 8:9 HRS IST
Lalit K Jha

Washington, Oct 7 (PTI) A key US Senator and architect of the
Congressional bill, which doles out USD 7.5 billion to Pakistan in the
next five years, said that "no conditions" have been imposed on
Islamabad in lieu of the non-military aid.

"There is no conditionality whatsoever in this legislation (Kerry-
Lugar bill) with respect to civilian assistance and the economic
assistance that is provided. No conditionality. It is unfortunate the
bill has been characterised in some quarters in ways that are just not
accurate," Senator John Kerry said.

Kerry, Chairman of Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and its Ranking
member Richard Lugar have authored a bill that pledges USD 7.5 billion
of civilian aid to Pakistan for the next five years.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-07 09:39:12 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/318082_Afghanistan-situation-deteriorating--Clinton

Afghanistan situation deteriorating: Clinton
STAFF WRITER 9:44 HRS IST
Lalit K Jha

Washington, Oct 7 (PTI) With the top American military commander in
Afghanistan seeking an additional 40,000 troops, the US has
acknowledged that the situation in the war-torn country is
deteriorating and Taliban have the momentum now.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton agreed with the report of General
Stanley McChrystal, Commander of the US and NATO forces in
Afghanistan, on the situation in the war-torn country.

"I think that certainly as we have now seen, General McChrystal's
assessment was that it (situation) is deteriorating, that the Taliban
have the momentum, that they are much more aggressive, they are better
equipped, they are moving more broadly in the country than they had
been before," Clinton told the CBS news yesterday.

McChrystal, in a recent report to President Barack Obama, had said the
situation in Afghanistan is deteriorating.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-07 12:19:11 UTC
Permalink
http://www.timesnow.tv/Now-Pak-ISI-Taliban-nexus-to-hit-India/articleshow/4329028.cms

Pak's 'jail or jihad' ploy against India
7 Oct 2009, 0822 hrs IST

Reports, which are bound to raise concerns in India, have surfaced
with claims that Pakistan is planning to push as many as 60
"surrendered" Taliban into Jammu and Kashmir to become part of the
"jihad" against India.

The ISI is said to have offered the extremists the option of either
going to jail or crossing the Line of Control (LoC). Highly placed
sources said BSF and the Army had been alerted about the developments
after intelligence intercepted talk about infiltration bids in the
next 15 to 20 days.

Officials have claimed that although the Taliban is yet to
successfully infiltrate into India, the coming days will pose a
challenge as their attempts to sneak in are expected before the onset
of winter.

The official added that though the Indian forces are fully alert to
thwart Pakistani designs, the next 15-20 days are quite crucial as
this is the period when they will do everything to infiltrate as many
terrorists as possible.

TIMES NOW had earlier reported on how the new and resurgent Taliban is
now working on a multi-pronged strategy; after losing ground in the
north of Pakistan, they are now moving to the central part of the
country. At the same time, they are trying to move Taliban leader
Mullah Omar to Karachi - a densely populated city that will be
difficult for the US to attack.

The Taliban also plan to decrease the number of suicide attacks, and
instead hit strategically. Most significantly for India, the Taliban
according to intelligence sources, are working to plot a 26/11-style
attack in India in return for favours from Pakistan’s ISI.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-07 12:22:43 UTC
Permalink
http://www.timesnow.tv/Foreign-Secy-lashes-out-against-Pak/articleshow/4329101.cms

Foreign Secy lashes out against Pak
7 Oct 2009, 1724 hrs IST

Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao has lashed out against Pakistan and
urged the international community to step up pressure on the country.
Rao warned that Pakistan has to implement its commitment to deal with
terror groups within its territory including the Al-Qaeda, Taliban,
Hizd-e-Islami and the LeT.

She has called for the shuting down of support provided to terrorist
groups active across the Af-Pak border. She said that the challenge
from a resurgent Taliban and Al-Qaeda is real and is one that
threatens us all.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-07 12:24:29 UTC
Permalink
http://www.timesnow.tv/Paks-ISI-bumps-off-fake-money-kingpin/articleshow/4329098.cms

Pak's ISI bumps off fake money kingpin
7 Oct 2009, 1633 hrs IST

The recovery of the dead body of Majid Manihar, ISI's prime link in
the Fake Indian Currency Business in the sub continent, in a Nepal
Hotel has started fuelling specualtion about an immensely jittery
Pakistan attempting to cover up its role in the fake currency racket.

Majid Manihar, originally an Indian, was found dead with multiple gun
shot wounds in a hotel in Nepalgunj in Nepal on Monday evening.

Ironically, Majid had been the key ISI operative in Nepal for years.
He headed the fake Indian currency note business and was the key
person to the supply route of these notes from Nepal to India.

Majid, a native of Behraich district of Uttar Pradesh, had several
cases against him in up ever since he went absconding. Intelligence
agencies had these inputs that he was the key person involved in
supplying fake Indian currency in India.

The pressure had been building on him since the Uttar Pradesh police
arrested his son, Vikky Manihar, from Bahraich in the Nepal UP border
with a consignemtn of fake notes.

Majid, it is believed has worked both for the ISI and Dawood Ibrahim
over the last two decades, and both were worried that the Indian
authorities would get their hands on him with an Interpol Red Corner
Notice about to be issued in his name.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-07 22:29:33 UTC
Permalink
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091008/jsp/foreign/story_11589738.jsp

Pak army irked by US aid bill

Islamabad, Oct. 7 (Reuters): Pakistan’s army today expressed “serious
concern” about a US aid bill that critics say contains conditions that
amount to a humiliating violation of sovereignty as parliament began a
debate on US aid.

The US Congress last week approved a bill tripling aid for Pakistan to
$1.5 billion a year for the next five years and sent it to President
Barack Obama for signing into law.

The legislation is part of a bid to build a new relationship with
Pakistan that no longer focuses on military ties but on Pakistan’s
social and economic development.

But in an effort to address US concerns that Pakistan’s military may
support militant groups, the bill stipulates that US military aid will
cease if Pakistan does not help fight “terrorists”, including Taliban
and al Qaida members.

The bill, co-authored by Senators John Kerry and Richard Lugar, also
provides an assessment of how effective the civilian government’s
control is over the powerful military.

Pakistan’s army chief met his top commanders at army headquarters in
Rawalpindi and reiterated that Pakistan was a sovereign state and had
the right to respond to threats in accordance with its interests, the
military said.

“The forum expressed serious concern regarding clauses impacting on
national security,” the military said.

The army, in a rare public comment on a diplomatic issue, did not
elaborate but said it was providing the government, which supports the
US bill, with “formal input”.

It acknowledged it was parliament that would debate the issue and
enable the government to respond.

President Asif Ali Zardari earlier rejected suggestions that the
bill’s conditions undermined sovereignty.

The controversy comes as the US, Pakistan’s biggest aid donor, is
pressing the army to expand its operations against Pakistani Taliban
fighters to include Afghan Taliban and Qaida militants in lawless
border enclaves. Plans by the US to expand its embassy in Pakistan
have also raised suspicion, as has speculation about the embassy’s use
of private security contractors.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-08 09:13:07 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/320113_Suicide-bomber-strikes-near-Indian-Embassy-in-Kabul--12-killed

Members of the Afghan fire brigade try to extinguish an oil tanker set
on fire by Taliban militants. PTI Photo Photograph (1)

Suicide bomber strikes near Indian Embassy in Kabul; 12 killed
STAFF WRITER 12:40 HRS IST

Kabul, Oct 8 (PTI) A suicide bomber today blew up his car outside the
compound of the Indian Embassy in the Afghan capital killing at least
12 people and leaving 83 wounded, including three ITBP jawans, in a
fiery blast that had all the hallmarks of Taliban.

The powerful blast blew up the mission watch tower, destroyed vehicles
and left a trail of death and destruction with Indian Ambassador
Jayant Prasad saying, "Indian Embassy was the target."

"A suicide car bomb took place near the Indian Embassy in which 12
people were killed and 83 wounded. Most of the wounded are civilians,"
Interior Ministry spokesman Zemaral Bashry said.

The Indian Ambassador said, "we have confirmed reports of nine killed,
four critically injured and 12 others severely wounded. The toll may
go up.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-08 09:29:31 UTC
Permalink
http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Kabul:+7+dead,+67+hurt+in+Indian+embassy+bombing&artid=wI72gV7mU6U=&SectionID=oHSKVfNWYm0=&MainSectionID=oHSKVfNWYm0=&SEO=KABUL,+AFGHANISTAN,+BLAST&SectionName=VfE7I/Vl8os=

Kabul: 7 dead, 67 hurt in Indian embassy bombing

Afghan soldiers carry body of a victim after a blast in Kabul,
Afghanistan on Thursday. (Photo: AP)
IANS

First Published : 08 Oct 2009 10:29:45 AM IST
Last Updated : 08 Oct 2009 12:58:26 PM IST

KABUL: At least seven people were killed and 67 injured in a suicide
bombing outside the Indian embassy in the Afghan capital Thursday. No
Indians were killed but some Indian security personnel were wounded in
the blast that damaged the outer wall of the embassy and shattered
windows.

The explosion occurred at about 8.27 a.m. on the heavily fortified
road in downtown Kabul where the Indian embassy and the Afghan
interior ministry is located.

A police source, who asked not to be named, said at the site of the
attack that the blast was triggered by a suicide attacker in a car.

The powerful suicide blast targeting the Indian embassy left at least
seven people dead, Xinhua reported.

Sayed Kabir Amiri, an official at the public health ministry, told DPA
that 67 people were wounded in the blast.

TV visuals showed massive destruction in the area with several cars
extensively damaged and rescue workers carrying away the injured and
the dead.

Indian Ambassador to Afghanistan Jayant Prasad said no Indians had
been killed but some security personnel posted at the outer perimeter
of the embassy had been injured.

He described the explosion as being "of the same intensity" as the
July 7, 2008 bombing in which 44 people, including two Indian
diplomats, had been killed.

"The explosion that I heard at my residence was exactly the same that
I heard at my home (in July 2008)," Prasad told CNN-IBN news channel.

"No Indian has been severely injured or killed in the attack," Prasad
said.

There was damage to the "watch tower and some of the security
personnel on the outer perimeter" had been hurt, but the injuries were
not serious.

Prasad said that there was damage to chancery premises "with doors and
windows blown off" and added that the embassy wall took the impact of
the blast.

On July 7 last year, 44 people, including high-ranking Indian embassy
officials, were killed in the suicide attack at the Indian embassy
that also wounded 147 people. The attack had marked the deadliest
suicide bombing since the fall of Taliban regime in 2001.

Defence Attache Brigadier R. Mehta and political counselor V. Venkat
Rao were killed, along with two Indo-Tibetan Border Police security
personnel - Ajay Panthia and Roop Singh. An Afghan national employed
at the Indian mission also died.

Kabul has seen a series of suicide attacks in the past two months.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 18:18:20 UTC
Permalink
http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/asiapcf/10/08/afghanistan.explosion/index.html?iref=topnews

Taliban claims responsibility for Kabul suicide blast

Story Highlights

Bomb goes off, as offices and shops were opening for the day
Blast damages a security checkpoint outside Indian embassy, staffer
says
Karzai's office called attackers "vicious terrorists who killed
innocent people"
Blast comes year after similar suicide attack that killed 58, wounded
more than 100

updated 13 minutes agoNext Article in World »

Read VIDEO

KABUL, Afghanistan (CNN) -- A suicide car bomb attack near the Indian
Embassy in Afghanistan's capital killed 17 people and wounded at least
63 Thursday, Afghan officials said.

The bomb exploded in the center of Kabul on the corner of Passport
Lane and the Indian Embassy.

1 of 3 The Taliban claimed responsibility for the bombing, saying an
Afghan national in a sport utility vehicle carried out the attack.

Indian officials said the bomber had intended to strike the embassy.

"The suicide attack(er) ... attempted (to go) through one of the
embassy gates," Vishnu Prakash, spokesman for India's external affairs
ministry, told CNN on Thursday. "The embassy was the target."

The bomb went off about 8:30 a.m., just as offices and shops were
opening for the day. The force of the blast shattered some of the
embassy's windows, according to Prakash.

A similar attack last year killed at least 58 people outside the
Indian Embassy.

Interior Ministry spokesman Ezmary Bashary said 17 were killed -- most
of them civilians -- and 63 were wounded.

The Taliban said the attack killed 35 people, including high-ranking
Indian Embassy officials, as well as international and Afghan police
officers.

The blast damaged a security checkpoint outside the the embassy, said
staffer J.P. Singh, but "there were no casualties on the Indian side."

The embassy is in the center of Kabul, in a shop-lined street across
from the Interior Ministry and several other government buildings.

The explosion shattered car windows and toppled restaurant walls.
Paramedics dug through twisted metal and debris, looking for
survivors.

A statement from President Hamid Karzai's office called the blast an
obvious assault on civilians and said "the perpetrators of this attack
and those who planned it were vicious terrorists who killed innocent
people for their malicious goals."

About a year ago, another suicide car bomb detonated outside the
embassy. Among the 58 people killed in the July 7, 2008, attack were
two Indian diplomats and 14 students at a nearby school.

More than 100 were wounded in that blast.

Afghan and Indian officials accused Pakistan's spy agency of
involvement in that attack. Pakistan denied the accusation.

India is the sixth largest donor to Afghanistan, providing millions of
dollars to help with reconstruction efforts there.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 18:22:16 UTC
Permalink
http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/asiapcf/10/07/muslim.world.population/index.html

Nearly 1 in 4 people worldwide is Muslim, report saysStory Highlights
There are about 1.57 billion Muslims in the world, according to the
report

Report by the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life

Nearly 2 out of 3 of world's Muslims are in Asia, report says
Roughly 9 of 10 Muslims worldwide are Sunni, report says
October 8, 2009 -- Updated 0316 GMT (1116 HKT)

By Richard Allen Greene
CNN

(CNN) -- Nearly one in four people worldwide is Muslim -- and they are
not necessarily where you might think, according to an extensive new
study that aims to map the global Muslim population.

Nearly two out of three of the world's Muslims are in Asia, stretching
from Turkey to Indonesia.

India, a majority-Hindu country, has more Muslims than any country
except for Indonesia and Pakistan, and more than twice as many as
Egypt.

China has more Muslims than Syria.

Germany has more Muslims than Lebanon.

And Russia has more Muslims than Jordan and Libya put together.

Nearly two out of three of the world's Muslims are in Asia, stretching
from Turkey to Indonesia.

The Middle East and north Africa, which together are home to about one
in five of the world's Muslims, trail a very distant second.

There are about 1.57 billion Muslims in the world, according to the
report, "Mapping the Global Muslim Population," by the Pew Forum on
Religion & Public Life. That represents about 23 percent of the total
global population of 6.8 billion.

There are about 2.25 billion Christians, based on projections from the
2005 World Religions Database.

Brian Grim, the senior researcher on the Pew Forum project, was
slightly surprised at the number of Muslims in the world, he told CNN.

"Overall, the number is higher than I expected," he said, noting that
earlier estimates of the global Muslim population have ranged from 1
billion to 1.8 billion.

The report can -- and should -- have implications for United States
policy, said Reza Aslan, the best-selling Iranian-American author of
"No God but God."

Fact Box

Report: Top 10 Muslim countries, by population

1. Indonesia: 202,867,000 (country is 88.2 percent Muslim)

2. Pakistan: 174,082,000 (country is 96.3 percent Muslim)

3. India: 160,945,000 (country is 13.4 percent Muslim)

4. Bangaldesh: 145,312,000 (country is 89.6 percent Muslim)

5. Egypt: 78,513,000 (country is 94.6 percent Muslim)

6. Nigeria: 78,056,000 (country is 50.4 percent Muslim)

7. Iran: 73,777,000 (country is 99.4 percent Muslim)

8. Turkey: 73,619,000 (country is about 98 percent Muslim)

9. Algeria: 34,199,000 (country is 98 percent Muslim)

10. Morocco: 31,993,000 (country is about 99 percent Muslim)

Source: "Mapping the Global Muslim Population," The Pew Forum on
Religion & Public Life. "Increasingly, the people of the Middle East
are making up a smaller and smaller percentage of the worldwide Muslim
community," he told CNN by phone.

"When it comes to issues of outreach to the Muslim world, these
numbers will indicate that outreach cannot be focused so narrowly on
the Middle East," he said.

"If the goal is to create better understanding between the United
States and the Muslim world, our focus should be on south and
southeast Asia, not the Middle East," he said.

He spoke to CNN before the report was published and without having
seen its contents, but was familiar with the general trends the report
identified.

The team at the Pew Forum spent nearly three years analyzing "the best
available data" from 232 countries and territories, Grim said.

Their aim was to get the most comprehensive snapshot ever assembled of
the world's Muslim population at a given moment in time.

So they took the data they gathered from national censuses and
surveys, and projected it forward based on what they knew about
population growth in each country.

They describe the resulting report as "the largest project of its kind
to date."

It's full of details that even the researchers found surprising.

"There are these countries that we don't think of as Muslim at all,
and yet they have very sizable numbers of Muslims," said Alan
Cooperman, the associate director of research for the Pew Forum,
naming India, Russia and China.

One in five of the world's Muslims lives in a country where Muslims
are a minority.

And while most people think of the Muslim population of Europe is
being composed of immigrants, that's only true in western Europe,
Cooperman said.

"In the rest of Europe -- Russia, Albania, Kosovo, those places --
Muslims are an indigenous population," he said. "More than half of the
Muslims in Europe are indigenous."

The researchers also were surprised to find the Muslim population of
sub-Saharan Africa to be as low as they concluded, Cooperman said.

It has only about 240 million Muslims -- about 15 percent of all the
world's Muslims.

Islam is thought to be growing fast in the region, with countries such
as Nigeria, which has large populations of both Christians and
Muslims, seeing violence between the two groups.

The Pew researchers concluded that Nigeria is just over half Muslim,
making it the sixth most populous Muslim country in the world.

Roughly nine out of 10 Muslims worldwide are Sunni, and about one in
10 is Shiite, they estimated.

They warned they were less confident of those numbers than of the
general population figures because sectarian data is harder to come
by.

"Only one or two censuses in the world ... have ever asked the
sectarian question," said Grim.

"Among Muslims it's a very sensitive question. If asked, large numbers
will say I am just a Muslim -- not that they don't know, but it is a
sensitive question in many places," he said.

One in three of the world's Shiite Muslims lives in Iran, which is one
of only four countries with a Shiite majority, he said. The others are
Iraq, Azerbaijan, and Bahrain.

Huge as the project of mapping the world's Muslim population is, it is
only the first step in a Pew Forum undertaking.

Next year, the think tank intends to release a report projecting
Muslim population growth into the future, and then the researchers
intend to do the whole thing over again with Christians, followed by
other faith groups.

"We don't care only about Muslims," Grim said.

They're also digging into what people believe and practice, since the
current analysis doesn't analyze that.

"This is no way reflects the religiosity of people, only their self-
identification," Grim said. "We're trying to get the overall picture
of religion in the world."

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 18:26:32 UTC
Permalink
http://edition.cnn.com/SPECIALS/2009/generation.islam/map/

http://edition.cnn.com/2009/LIVING/09/30/first.blasphemy.day/index.html

Taking aim at God on 'Blasphemy Day'

Story Highlights

Wednesday marks first organized observance of Blasphemy Day
Leader is devoted to protecting a person's right to ridicule,
criticize, lambaste God
Painter aghast someone could be punished, killed over blasphemous
remarks
September 30, 2009 -- Updated 2158 GMT (0558 HKT)

By Moni Basu
CNN

(CNN) -- In his youth, Ronald Lindsey planned to enter the priesthood,
so fervent was his devotion to God. But these days, Lindsay is devoted
to protecting a person's right to ridicule, criticize -- even lambaste
God.

Super Bowl Sunday Praying for a Hail Mary was painted by Dana Ellyn.

You might say he is a blasphemer's savior.

The devout Catholic turned non-believer leads a movement that is all
about protecting people's rights to speak irreverently about religion.

Criticizing God is an act punishable by death in several nations. In
America, blasphemy laws remain on the books in six states, though they
are largely arcane and not enforced.

But everywhere, it seems to Lindsay, scoffing at God is not socially
acceptable.

People are willing to tolerate the harshest statements about the
president of the United States, he said. But talk about Jesus or
Mohammed -- that's a whole different ball game.

"We think religious beliefs should be subject to examination and
criticism just as political beliefs are," said Lindsay, 56, who heads
the Center for Inquiry in Amherst, New York, an organization that
claims about 100,000 followers worldwide. "But we have a taboo on
religion."

Outraged by nations that want to execute blasphemers and propelled by
a deep belief in the freedom of expression, Lindsay is forging ahead
with his "nothing is sacred" movement. Wednesday marks the first
organized observance of Blasphemy Day, a series of events, exhibits
and lectures unfolding in a host of mostly North American cities that
are part of a larger Campaign for Free Expression.

The day coincides with the fifth anniversary of a Danish newspaper's
publication of controversial cartoons about Mohammed. The depictions
of the prophet wearing a bomb as a turban with a lit fuse sparked
protests by Muslims worldwide and prompted media outlets to censor
themselves.

But to Lindsay, a society is not truly free unless people can freely
air their views on any subject -- including God.

The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, when asked about the day on
Wednesday, declined to comment.

Blasphemy Day even includes a contest that invites participants to
come up with slogans that might be judged blasphemous by society. And,
yes, the winner gets a T-shirt heralding the prized slogan.

Lindsay offered this sample: "There's nothing wrong with God that a
dose of reality won't cure."

Some of the entries are so crude they can't be published by CNN. But
since the Center for Inquiry is all about freedom of expression, it
can't reject any of them.

Lindsay has made it clear that expletive-ridden, crass slogans are not
the type of entry that is destined to win, but he makes no apologies
for statements that might offend a devout person's sensitivities.

Neither does artist Dana Ellyn, 38, of Washington D.C., who is showing
her provocative paintings of God and religion in a special Blasphemy
Day show Wednesday evening.

Ellyn grew up as a non-believer but later studied religion on her own
to understand it. After all, she said, it's such an important part of
society.

She found the concept of faith fascinating. It was an unknown to her.

She painted a scene from Noah's Ark with a black child sitting under
the table. How did the races evolve, her art asks those who believed
in the Biblical tale? She portrayed Jesus painting his crucifixion
nails after she noticed a church group using space next to a nail
salon in a shopping mall stung by recession.

She said she realizes her work makes people uncomfortable, though her
intent is not to disrespect.

"Even to say, 'I don't believe in God' is enough to knock someone out
of their chair and then to see it in a picture ... I've had a lot of
hate come my way."

And even though she doesn't believe in hell, she feels a bit uneasy
hearing that she is going straight to it.

"I am in no way trying to be a poster child for atheism," Ellyn said.
"But I don't want to be punished for not believing in God."

Ellyn said she never means to harm anyone, so she finds it frightening
that someone could be punished -- or lose their life -- over remarks
or actions considered blasphemous. An Afghan student journalist was
sentenced to death for distributing a paper that allegedly blasphemed
Islam. A British schoolteacher spent time in a Sudanese jail after she
allowed her students to name teddy bears after Mohammed.

These are cases that worry Lindsay and the members of his
organization. He is most distressed by the U.N. General Assembly
considering next month a binding resolution on the defamation of
religion.

All this did not come easy to Lindsay, the son of Catholic parents who
bared his soul in a confession booth each week. Later, he studied
religion and philosophy in at Georgetown University. The more he read,
the more he questioned beliefs that had been ingrained from childhood.

Slowly, the would-be-priest turned into an atheist lawyer -- and a
21st-century defender of time-worn sacrilege

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 18:31:26 UTC
Permalink
http://topics.edition.cnn.com/topics/islamism

http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/meast/10/08/bergen.pakistan/index.html#cnnSTCText

Commentary: U.S.-Pakistan goals coming into alignment

Story Highlights

Peter Bergen, CNN national security analyst: Pakistanis turning
against militants
The strategic interests of U.S., Pakistan are growing closer, Bergen
observes
Bergen: Pakistani public, military, government potent force against
Taliban
Bergen cautions Pakistanis still very wary of U.S. influence, motives

October 8, 2009 -- Updated 1147 GMT (1947 HKT)

By Peter Bergen
CNN

Peter Bergen, CNN's national security analyst, is a fellow at the New
America Foundation, a Washington-based think tank that promotes
innovative thought from across the ideological spectrum, and at New
York University's Center on Law and Security. He's the author of "The
Osama bin Laden I Know: An Oral History of al Qaeda's Leader."

Militant attacks, such as this one in Islamabad on Monday, are turning
the Pakistani population against jihadists.

(CNN) -- It hasn't been too often in the past couple of years that
you could write about good news from Pakistan. But if there is a
silver lining to the atrocities that have plagued the country in the
past several years, it is the fact that the Pakistani public,
government and military are increasingly seeing the jihadist militants
on their territory in a hostile light.

The Taliban's assassination of Benazir Bhutto, the country's most
popular politician; al Qaeda's bombing of the Marriott hotel in
Islamabad; the attack on the visiting Sri Lankan cricket team in
Lahore; the widely circulated video images of the Taliban flogging a
17-year-old girl; and multiple large-scale attacks on Pakistani police
and army installations by the Taliban have provoked real revulsion
among the Pakistani public.

In fact, historians will likely record the Taliban's decision to move
earlier this year from Pakistan's Swat Valley into Buner District,
only 60 miles from Islamabad, as the tipping point that finally
galvanized Pakistan to confront the fact that the jihadist monster it
had helped to spawn was now trying to swallow its creator.

The subsequent military operation to evict the Taliban from Buner and
Swat was not seen by the Pakistani public as the army acting on behalf
of the United States as was often the case in previous such
operations, but something that was in their own national interest.

Support for Pakistani army operations against the Taliban in Swat has
increased from 28 percent two years ago to 69 percent today.

In fact, arguably not since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979
have American strategic interests and Pakistani strategic interests
been so closely aligned.

This month it looks virtually certain that the Pakistani military will
launch an operation into the tribal regions of Waziristan against the
militants based there, who have long provided a haven to al Qaeda.
That comes on the heels of an aggressive American drone campaign in
the Waziristan region that Pakistani leaders have privately
encouraged.

And the militants are losing the war of ideas in Pakistan. Support for
suicide bombing has dropped from 33 percent to 5 percent in Pakistan
over the past several years. The number of Pakistanis who feel the
Taliban and al Qaeda operating in Pakistan are a 'serious problem" has
risen from 57 percent to 86 percent since 2007.

When Baitullah Meshud, the Taliban leader who had unleashed his
suicide bombers across Pakistan in the past two years, was killed two
months ago in a U.S. drone strike, the tone of the Pakistani media
coverage was celebratory. "Good Riddance, Killer Baitullah" was the
lead headline in the quality Dawn newspaper.

The changing attitudes of the Pakistani public, military and
government constitutes arguably the most significant strategic shift
against al Qaeda and its allies in the past several years. It will
have a direct impact on the terrorist organization and allied groups
that are headquartered in Pakistan.

What does this mean for Obama's "Af-Pak" plan? Well, the newly hostile
attitude of the Pakistanis to the armed religious zealots on their
lands has not translated into any great love for the United States,
which is consistently viewed unfavorably by large majorities of them.

As the debate about Afghanistan in the White House moves forward, one
important factor in that discussion must be the hostility of the
Pakistanis to a large additional troop deployment in neighboring
Afghanistan. This is particularly important in light of the fact that
the Pakistani military is doing what the U.S. government has hoped for
for several years, which is taking newly aggressive steps against
important elements of the Taliban in Waziristan.

However, changing attitudes in Pakistan do not mean, for the moment,
that the Pakistani military will do much to move against the Taliban
groups based on their territory that are attacking U.S. and other NATO
forces in Afghanistan, such as Mullah Omar's Quetta shura, the Haqqani
network and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezbi-Islami.

Every silver lining in Pakistan must also have a cloud.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Peter
Bergen.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 18:34:13 UTC
Permalink
http://edition.cnn.com/2009/US/10/06/us.pakistan/index.html?iref=newssearch

Pakistan seeks long U.S. commitment

Story Highlights

U.S. debates whether to send more troops to Afghanistan or scale back
mission
Congress just passed an aid package for Pakistan worth $1.5 B a year
for five years
Clinton, Gates: U.S. in Afghanistan for long haul

October 7, 2009 -- Updated 0147 GMT (0947 HKT)

By Elise Labott
CNN Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON (CNN) -- Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi
met with U.S. Secretary Hillary Clinton and urged the United States to
articulate a long-term vision for the region, amid debate over U.S.
involvement in Afghanistan.

Pakistani For. Min. Shah Mehmood Qureshi and U.S. Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton meet in Washington.

"The people of the region have to be assured that the United States
has a long-term vision," Qureshi told reporters after his meeting on
Tuesday in Washington. "Not just for Afghanistan and Pakistan but the
entire region."

Qureshi wouldn't comment on the debate in Washington about whether the
U.S. should send up to 40,000 more troops to Afghanistan or scale back
the mission, with Qureshi calling it a judgment for "military
commanders on the field."

He said that Pakistan has made great strides in combating terrorism on
its soil, but still needed U.S. support, and he urged Washington not
to abandon the region as it did after helping Afghan fighters drive
Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1989.

"You have to keep in mind history," he said. "The inconsistency of the
past has to be kept in mind and we have to build on learning from the
mistakes of the past."

When asked how long he thought the U.S. should stay in Afghanistan,
Qureshi said "until the job is done. A peaceful, stable Afghanistan. A
peaceful, stable region."

Secretary Clinton said the U.S. and Pakistan enjoyed a "broad
strategic partnership" which is "critically important for the security
and prosperity of both of our nations."

"This is a commitment that we feel very strongly about and which we
are evaluating to determine the best way forward to achieve the
results and get the outcomes that we both share," Clinton told
reporters.

Clinton and Defense Secretary Robert Gates, in a rare joint interview,
said Monday that the United States is committed to a regional strategy
to build long-standing relations with both Afghanistan and Pakistan.

"We're not leaving Afghanistan," Gates told CNN's Christiane Amanpour
and former CNN Washington Bureau Chief Frank Sesno, "There should be
no uncertainty in terms of our determination to remain in Afghanistan
and to continue to build a relationship of partnership and trust with
the Pakistanis. That's long term. That's a strategic objective of the
United States."

Congress just passed an aid package for Pakistan worth $1.5 billion a
year for the next five years to help combat extremism in the country
and foster social and economic development.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 18:38:15 UTC
Permalink
http://edition.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/09/11/bergen.osama.binladen/index.html

Commentary: Where's Osama bin Laden?

Story Highlights

Peter Bergen: Osama bin Laden still inspires al Qaeda
He says 8 years after 9/11, the "war on terror" has failed to capture
him
He says law of averages suggests bin Laden will eventually be caught
or killed
September 11, 2009 -- Updated 1132 GMT (1932 HKT)

By Peter Bergen
Special to CNN

Editor's note: Peter Bergen, CNN's national security analyst, is a
fellow at the New America Foundation, a Washington-based think tank
that promotes innovative thought from across the ideological spectrum,
and at New York University's Center on Law and Security. He's the
author of "The Osama bin Laden I Know: An Oral History of al Qaeda's
Leader."

Peter Bergen says Osama bin Laden is still alive and still significant
eight years after September 11.

HELMAND, Afghanistan (CNN) -- Eight years after September 11, the
"war on terror" has gone the way of the dodo. And President Obama
talks instead about a war against al Qaeda and its allies.

What, then, of al Qaeda's enigmatic leader, Osama bin Laden, who has
vanished like a wisp of smoke? And does he even matter now?

The U.S. government hadn't had a solid lead on al Qaeda's leader since
the battle of Tora Bora in winter 2001. Although there are informed
hypotheses that today he is in Pakistan's North West Frontier Province
on the Afghan border, perhaps in one of the more northerly areas such
as Bajaur, these are essentially guesses, not "actionable"
intelligence.

A longtime American counterterrorism analyst explained to me, "There
is very limited collection on him personally."

That's intelligence community shorthand for the fact that the usual
avenues of "collection" on a target such as bin Laden are yielding
little or no information about him. Those avenues typically include
signal intercepts of phone calls and e-mails, as well as human
intelligence from spies.

Given the hundreds of billions of dollars that the "war on terror" has
consumed, the failure to capture or kill al Qaeda's leader is one of
its signal failures.

Does it even matter whether bin Laden is found? Yes, it does. First,
there is the matter of justice for the almost 3,000 people who died in
the September 11 attacks and for the thousands of other victims of al
Qaeda's attacks around the world.

Second, every day that bin Laden remains at liberty is a propaganda
victory for al Qaeda.

Third, although bin Laden and his deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri aren't
managing al Qaeda's operations on a daily basis they guide the overall
direction of the jihadist movement around the world, even while they
are in hiding.

Those messages from al Qaeda's leaders have reached untold millions
worldwide via television, the Internet and newspapers. The tapes have
not only instructed al Qaeda's followers to continue to kill
Westerners and Jews, but some also carried specific instructions that
militant cells then acted on.

In March 2008, for instance, the al Qaeda leader denounced the
publication of cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed in a Danish newspaper
as a "catastrophe" for which punishment would soon be meted out. Three
months later, an al Qaeda suicide attacker bombed the Danish Embassy
in Islamabad, killing six.

Some reading this may think: But what's the proof that the al Qaeda
leader is still alive? Plenty. Since September 11, bin Laden has
released a slew of video and audiotapes, many of which discuss current
events. After a nine-month silence, for instance, bin Laden released a
22-minute audiotape on March 14, sharply condemning the recent Israeli
invasion of Gaza.

Are these tapes real? Not one of the dozens of tapes released by bin
Laden after 9/11 has been a fake. Indeed the U.S. government has
authenticated many of them using bin Laden's distinctive voiceprint.

And what about the persistent reports that he is ill? In 2002,
Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf said bin Laden had kidney
disease, for which he required a dialysis machine, and was therefore
likely dead. But the stories of bin Laden's life-threatening kidney
problems are false, judging by his appearance in videos that he
released in 2004 and again in 2007, in which he showed no signs of
illness.

On the 2007 tape, the al Qaeda leader had even dyed his white-flecked
beard black, suggesting that as the Saudi militant entered his fifth
decade, he was not immune to a measure of vanity about his personal
appearance.

In fact, bin Laden looked much better in those videos than he did in
the video he released shortly after the battle of Tora Bora in late
2001, where he had narrowly escaped being killed in a massive American
attack.

The situation is further complicated by the fact that bin Laden and al-
Zawahiri are almost certainly hiding out in the tribal areas of
Pakistan, on the Afghan border.

Arthur Keller, a CIA officer who ran a spy network in Pakistan's
tribal areas in 2006, told me the problems of working in the region:
"It's an incredibly remote area. They're hiding in a sea of people
that are very xenophobic of outsiders, so it's a very, very tough nut
to crack."

An additional factor operating in bin Laden's favor is the personal
popularity he has long enjoyed in Pakistan. Three years after the
September 11 attacks, for instance, a Pew poll found that al Qaeda's
leader had a 65 percent favorability rating among Pakistanis.

However, it is clear from the videos of bin Laden and al-Zawahiri that
aired in the years since the attacks that they are not living in
caves.

In those tapes, both men's clothes were clean and well-pressed. Caves
generally don't have laundry facilities. And the videos that they have
released are well-lit and well-shot productions, suggesting access
either to electrical outlets or to generators to run lights. Al-
Zawahiri is often filmed in a library setting, and on one of his
videos from March 2006, there are curtains clearly visible behind him,
suggesting that the tape was shot in a house.

By early 2008, the Bush administration had tired of the Pakistani
government's unwillingness or inability to take out al Qaeda's
leaders, and in July, the president authorized Special Operations
forces to carry out ground assaults in the tribal regions without the
permission of the Pakistani government.

But in the face of the intense Pakistani opposition to American boots
on the ground, the Bush administration chose to rely instead on drones
to target suspected al Qaeda and Taliban leaders. Bush ordered the CIA
to expand its attacks with Predator and Reaper drones.

Between July 2008 and this month, U.S. drones have killed dozens of
lower-ranking militants and at least 10 mid- and upper-level leaders
within al Qaeda or the Taliban.

This strategy seems to have worked, at least in terms of combating the
ability of al Qaeda to plan or carry out attacks in the West. Law-
enforcement authorities have uncovered no serious plots against U.S.
or European targets that were traceable to militants who had received
training in Pakistan's tribal regions after the drone program had been
dramatically ramped up there.

The increased pace of the American drone attacks in Pakistani's tribal
areas was motivated in part by the hope that it would increase
panicked communications among the militants, which might help pinpoint
the locations of the top leaders in al Qaeda or the Taliban, but that
approach has not paid off when it comes to bin Laden.

If killing bin Laden with a drone has proved difficult, so too will be
capturing him alive.

His former bodyguard Abu Jandal told Al Quds al Arabi newspaper,
"Sheikh Osama gave me a pistol. ... The pistol had only two bullets,
for me to kill Sheikh Osama with in case we were surrounded or he was
about to fall into the enemy's hands, so that he would not be caught
alive "

Should bin Laden be captured or killed, that would probably trigger a
succession battle within al Qaeda.

While al-Zawahiri is the deputy leader of the terror group and
therefore technically bin Laden's successor, he is not regarded as a
natural leader. Indeed, even among his fellow Egyptian militants, al-
Zawahiri is seen as a divisive force, and so he is unlikely to be able
to step into the role of leader of al Qaeda and of the world jihadist
movement that is occupied by bin Laden.

By the law of averages, eventually, bin Laden will be captured or
killed. Yet the ideological movement that he helped spawn --
"Binladenism" -- will live on long after he is gone. That is bin
Laden's legacy.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Peter
Bergen.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 19:04:01 UTC
Permalink
http://edition.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/10/06/cronin.al.qaeda/index.html

Commentary: Al Qaeda's support is fading

Story Highlights

Audrey Cronin: Terror arrests and Afghan debate make it seem al Qaeda
is gaining
She says the reality is that the terror group is losing support
Cronin: U.S. should encourage the disillusionment with al Qaeda in
Muslim world

October 6, 2009 -- Updated 1937 GMT (0337 HKT)

By Audrey Kurth Cronin
Special to CNN

Editor's note: Audrey Kurth Cronin, a professor at the U.S. National
War College and research associate of the Changing Character of War
program at Oxford University, is the author of "How Terrorism Ends:
Understanding the Decline and Demise of Terrorist
Campaigns" (Princeton University Press, September 2009). This article
represents her views only, not necessarily those of any U.S.
government agency.

Audrey Kurth Cronin says recent events have raised new concerns about
terrorism and al Qaeda.

(CNN) -- President Obama entered office hoping to displace the global
war on terrorism with a new age of engagement, thereby replacing fear
with hope and relinquishing terrorism as the centerpiece of U.S.
foreign policy.

Yet terrorism is once again in the center of the bull's-eye for
Washington policymakers.

The war in Afghanistan is at a watershed. Having been relatively
neglected in favor of the intervention in Iraq, the administration
must now decide whether to recommit to a full-fledged counter-
insurgency, perhaps with an additional 40,000 U.S. troops on top of
the more than 60,000 already slated for the conflict. Alternatively,
some argue for a strategy that focuses on the original problem -- of
al Qaeda and its extremist associates rather than more ambitious state-
building.

The former would appear to be more costly and perhaps a slippery slope
to a protracted war that might not be winnable; the latter could be
ineffective in halting the potential resurgence in an unstable region
of an al Qaeda threat to the United States and its allies.

Meanwhile, in the past few weeks it seems clear that the United States
has foiled a series of terrorist plots that collectively constituted
the gravest threat to the American homeland since 9/11. Najibullah
Zazi, a 24-year-old Afghan immigrant, has pleaded not guilty to
conspiracy to use weapons of mass destruction in New York, while a
Jordanian has been arrested, accused of attempting to destroy a
Dallas, Texas, skyscraper.

In addition, charges have been made against three men in North
Carolina for plotting to attack a Marine Corps base and another man
has been charged with conspiring to blow up federal buildings in
Illinois.

Is al Qaeda resurgent? Is the United States under threat because of
the failure to capture or kill Osama bin Laden? Americans need to take
a deep breath, because the answer to both questions, while requiring
some caveats, is no.

Al Qaeda is facing more negative trends than what international forces
are facing in Afghanistan, although it is always possible that U.S.
missteps could rekindle the extremist terror narrative and
organization. Similarly, killing bin Laden will not end al Qaeda, but
neither will his fugitive status sustain it.

To answer the question of how al Qaeda will end, we can draw upon
decades of experience with how other terrorist campaigns have fizzled
out.

The history of terrorist groups points to various ways they may
decline and end: the destruction of leadership, failure to transition
between generations, achieving their stated cause, negotiating a
settlement, succumbing to military or police repression, losing
popular support and transitioning to other malignant activities such
as criminality or war.

Not all of these pathways are probable for every group, and they are
not all relevant to al Qaeda. For example, it is clear that al Qaeda
will not end if Osama bin Laden is killed. Groups that have ended this
way such as Japan's Aum Shinrikyo or Peru's Shining Path have been
hierarchical, reflecting to some degree a cult of personality and
lacking a viable successor, none of which describes al Qaeda.

It also will not die out between generations, as did many of the left-
wing groups of the 1970s. Al Qaeda has transitioned beyond its
original structure and is a multigenerational threat. Likewise,
achieving the cause or reaching a negotiated settlement does not apply
to al Qaeda.

Groups that have achieved their ends have had limited goals. Al Qaeda
seeks maximalist goals: Using violence to mobilize the global Muslim
community, throw off the influence of the West, eliminate support for
Arab regimes and establish a new world order (sometimes called a
Caliphate) is hardly realistic.

The remaining pathways deserve greater scrutiny. Although the campaign
against al Qaeda has yielded gratifying results, the limits of driving
the core into hiding and reducing its capacity to operate have been
demonstrated. Democracies find it hard to sustain policy of repression
at home or abroad, as it can undermine civil liberties and strain
domestic support.

American use of military force signified Western resolve, killed al
Qaeda leaders and prevented attacks, all of which were vital; but
force alone cannot drive this group to its end.

A loss of popular support has ended many terrorist groups, and it is a
plausible scenario for al Qaeda. Support can be compromised through
miscalculation, especially in targeting, and popular backlash. The
Real Irish Republican Army and India's Sikh separatists come to mind.
Or a campaign can fail to convey a positive image or progress toward
its goals, which amply applies to al Qaeda.

While the group continues to be dangerous, the faltering popularity of
this campaign with most Muslims provides clear evidence of this
dynamic underway.

For instance, a Pew Global Attitudes Project poll released in
September showed a remarkable drop in support for suicide bombing and
Osama bin Laden in key Muslim-majority countries such as Pakistan,
Egypt, Turkey and Jordan. In Pakistan, whereas some 41 percent
approved of suicide terror attacks five years ago, that number has
fallen to a mere 5 percent today.

Finally, groups can transition from terrorism to other kinds of
violence, escalating to insurgency or even conventional war, for
example -- especially if there is state sponsorship. Some argue that
this may already have happened in the case of al Qaeda and link the
current debate over Afghan strategy to this concern.

In this regard, it is counterproductive to consider al Qaeda as a
global insurgency. This concept bestows legitimacy, emphasizes
territorial control, encourages our enemies to join forces and puts
the United States into an us-versus-them strategic framework that
precludes clear-eyed analyses of the strategies of leverage that are
being used against the United States and its allies.

In short, if we are thinking about classic pathways to the end, the
secret to undermining this campaign is not "winning hearts and minds"
but enhancing al Qaeda's tendency to lose them.

More terrorist attacks will be attempted and a few will no doubt
succeed in parts of the world, conceivably even in the United States.
But it makes a significant difference whether such attacks are
undertaken by a few recruits without proper training or support or by
those who have managed to visit an al Qaeda training camp in a safe
haven with full support. Thus far, the trends are heading in a
favorable direction.

Even in its diminished state, al Qaeda and its franchises remain armed
and dangerous. This group can still hurt us. But appreciating how
terrorist campaigns actually end offers the greatest promise for
removing ourselves from the strategic myopia that currently grips much
of Western counter-terrorism efforts and for clarifying our political
objectives.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Audrey
Kurth Cronin.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 19:28:29 UTC
Permalink
http://international.ucla.edu/asia/centralasia/podcasts/article.asp?parentid=104991

Islam in the New Afghan Public Sphere

A public lecture by Nushin Arbabzadah, UCLA held on Thursday, January
22, 2009 in Bunche Hall 10383, UCLA.

Download Podcast
Duration: 57:48

Nushin Arbabzadah was brought up in Kabul during the Soviet occupation
of Afghanistan. She has graduate degrees in German and Spanish
literature and linguistics from the University of Hamburg and in
Middle Eastern Studies from Cambridge University, where she was a
William H. Gates scholar. Nushin's first book, From Outside In:
Refugees and British Society, was published in London by Arcadia in
April 2007. She has also edited an anthology of contemporary
journalistic writing from Muslim majority countries called No Ordinary
Life: Being Young in the Worlds of Islam (London: British Council,
2005). Before coming to UCLA, Nushin worked for the BBC, where she
specialized on social and political issues in contemporary
Afghanistan.

This lecture is part of a series on Islam in Central Asia co-sponsored
by the Center for European and Eurasian Studies and the Center for
Near Eastern Studies.

Date Posted: 2/20/2009

Asia Institute • 11288 Bunche Hall • Los Angeles, CA 90095-1487
Campus Mail Code: 148703 • Tel: (310) 825-0007 • Fax: (310) 206-3555
Email: ***@international.ucla.edu

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 19:31:07 UTC
Permalink
http://www.asiamedia.ucla.edu/article.asp?parentid=111868

Afghanistan's ethnically split ballot box

Ethnic voting shows Afghans do not view the state as a service
provider and loyalty to ethnic groups comes before the country as a
whole, writes Nushin Arbabzadah

By Nushin Arbabzadah
AsiaMedia Contributing Writer

Tuesday, September 1, 2009

The BBC's Afghan desk recently asked the three leading candidates of
the presidential election the following question: "What would you do
if you were to lose the election?" All three -- Hamid Karzai, Abdullah
Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani -- came up with the standard response: "We
would respect the people's verdict." In other words, Afghanistan is
now a democracy ruled by the will of the people. Such humble words
delivered with humility are just what's expected from politicians of
developing countries whose survival relies mainly on foreign aid. In
the motto of the benevolent international community: no ballot, no
aid. Or in the case of Afghanistan, no pots of paint flown specially
from Dubai to decorate the president's office.

Be that as it may, the truth is that not all Afghans have been able to
deliver their verdict in this election. The Taliban, in contrast to
the mavericks in Kabul, are sticking to the traditional bullet-not-
ballot style of governance, successfully managing to frighten the
people in the south into non-participation. Although small voter
turnout was expected in the restive south, the people were not free
from threat even in relatively calmer regions. In Herat, the local
strongman Ghulam Yahya Akbari reportedly threatened to fire rockets if
the people dared to venture out and greet Karzai on his campaign trip
to their city. In sum, the security that is an absolute must for a
fair election was not felt even in relatively calmer regions of
Afghanistan. It is this condition of high risk for questionable reward
that is making many Afghans wonder whether the 2009 election was an
exercise in true democracy.

Be that as it may, Afghan and international observers were quick to
point out that the fact that at least 35 percent of the population
ventured out to cast their votes in spite of threats of violence shows
that ordinary Afghans have matured politically and a democratic
culture is taking root in the country. A comparison between the
conditions in the 2004 and 2009 elections explains this view. In
contrast to 2004, when the public mood was optimistic, the Taliban
were on the run and neighboring countries Iran and Pakistan were well
disposed towards Kabul, voters this year had little reason to believe
in democracy -- let alone risk their lives to cast their votes. After
all, 2009 turned out to be a much more violent year, with Taliban
attacks reaching the heart of the capital and the Kabul administration
and its international allies having lost credibility both in terms of
delivering peace or improving the people's living conditions. And yet
millions of Afghans risked their lives, ventured out and cast their
votes fully aware that voting meant taking a serious risk and knowing
very well that the election would be fraudulent and the candidates
most probably either lying or making empty promises. Afghan and
international observers celebrate this as evidence that Afghanistan
has moved forward and is no longer an essentially tribal society upon
whom the West has imposed democracy by sheer force of military. In
brief, a success story.

The recently published preliminary results based on a random sample of
one million votes tell a different story. According to the sample, the
people's verdict has given rise to two leaders: Karzai, closely
followed by Abdullah. In other words, a Pashtun leader followed
closely by a half-Tajik leader with a majority Tajik support base.
This is what analysts call "identity voting". The preliminary results
show that Karzai's attempt at nation-building has failed, and most
Afghans' loyalty lies first with their ethnic group and then the
nation as a whole. Karzai's critics have repeatedly pointed out that
his nation-building attempts have been largely superficial, consisting
on throwing dinner parties for discredited leaders of ethnic and
religious minority groups. In the words of presidential candidate
Ramazan Bashardost, making a Hazara leader sit next to nomadic Pashtun
leader at dinner is not exactly nation-building. The many mass graves
scattered around the country bear witness to the ethnic rivalries that
followed the Soviet army's withdrawal from Afghanistan and led to the
civil wars of the early 1990s. During the presidential election
campaign, ex-Taliban commander turned candidate Mullah Rocketi was the
only contender to openly admit that ethnic mistrust was the only
reason why Afghans so easily became tools in the service of foreign
powers and hence carried on fighting. Nation-building has a long way
to go in Afghanistan but as economist Paul Collier argues, leaders
must build a nation before they can build a state.

This pattern of identity voting is the natural outcome of the
ethnicized politics that has thrived over the last three decades. And
ethnicized politics creates lazy politicians who are automatically
given support by members of their ethnic communities regardless of
their performance, personal integrity or even education. The fact that
voters in Afghanistan have opted for identity voting shows that the
idea of the state as a service provider has still not taken root in
Afghanistan and ethnic loyalties override loyalty to Afghanistan as a
whole. To put it bluntly, apart from a small group of educated young
people, most Afghans haven't moved on from the ethnicized politics
that led to the civil wars of the early 1990s. The only difference
between then and now is that ballots are used instead of bullets. But
this, in itself, is a kind of progress.

This article was published originally in The Guardian.

The views expressed above are those of the author and are not
necessarily those of AsiaMedia or the UCLA Asia Institute.

Date Posted: 9/1/2009

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-08 19:33:57 UTC
Permalink
http://www.asiamedia.ucla.edu/article.asp?parentid=111827

INDIA: Magazine office in Prabhadevi ransacked

Six men barge into 'Society' magazine's office, throw computers off
tables, break windows, and shout slogans about Shiv Sena chief Bal
Thackeray

The Times of India
Tuesday, September 1, 2009

By Nimish Sawant

Mumbai --- The office of Society magazine at Prabhadevi was on Monday
ransacked by a group of six unidentified men, ostensibly because they
were upset with an article about Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray in
its August issue.

This is the second instance of a publishing house being attacked by
workers of a political party this year.

According to the Dadar police, two men entered the premises of Magna
Publishing house, which publishes the magazine, at 3.45 pm under the
pretext of meeting the editorial staff. Soon, around four more persons
joined them.

"They barged into the office on the fifth floor and threw computers
off the table, broke the windows glass panes. Then they came
downstairs and took out some saffron flags shouting slogans such as
'Jai Shivaji, Jai Bhawani', saying something to do with Balasaheb
before fleeing," said an employee of Magna. While fleeing, they again
threw a huge flower pot on the glass wall of the reception hall. No
officials of Society magazine were available for comment as they were
busy recording their statements at the Dadar police station.

Zonal deputy commissioner of police (Zone 5) Milind Bharambe said,
"The identity of the accused is not yet established. Prima facie, it
appears that they were Sainiks. We are just recording the statements.
We have registered a case of rioting, trespassing and wrongful
assembly and causing damages."

Date Posted: 9/1/2009

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-08 22:22:39 UTC
Permalink
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091009/jsp/frontpage/story_11594748.jsp

Pak sends a message via Kabul bomber
Attacks, outside and inside
K.P. NAYAR

A damaged building at the site of the blast in Kabul on Thursday. A
car bomb blew up outside the Indian embassy, killing two policemen and
15 other Afghans. Three Indo-Tibetan Border Police guards were wounded
and their watchtower damaged. (AP picture)
Washington, Oct. 8: A powerful but fortuitously aborted attack on the
Indian embassy in Kabul today was Pakistan’s message to India that its
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) can hit Indian interests anytime,
anywhere with impunity.

It came exactly four days after Pakistan’s foreign minister, Shah
Mahmood Qureshi, who has stayed back in the US after his testy meeting
with external affairs minister S.M. Krishna in New York on September
27, publicly warned that Indians “have to justify their interest” in
Kabul.

Qureshi concluded his US tour with a meeting with secretary of state
Hillary Clinton at the same time terrorists in Kabul were preparing to
drive out the explosives-packed sports utility vehicle to be detonated
near the side wall of the embassy today. At least 17 people, mostly
bystanders, were killed and three Indian embassy guards injured in the
explosion.

In his blunt public warning four days ago, Qureshi said India’s “level
of engagement (in Kabul) has to be commensurate with” the fact that
“they do not share a border with Afghanistan, whereas we do.… If there
is no massive reconstruction (in Afghanistan), if there are not long
queues in Delhi waiting for visas to travel to Kabul, why do you have
such a large (Indian) presence in Afghanistan? At times it concerns
us,” Qureshi told the Los Angles Times.

The second suicide attack on the Indian mission in Kabul in 15 months
will strengthen a partisan view at the CGO Complex off New Delhi’s
Lodhi Road, the seat of India’s external intelligence agency, that the
terrorist attack on Mumbai last November was actually Pakistan’s
answer to India for regressing on the progress made over several years
towards resolving Kashmir in detailed talks with General Pervez
Musharraf, both by the NDA and UPA governments.

Such a view is based on an assessment that Pakistan considerably
dismantled its terrorist infrastructure against India, particularly
across the Line of Control in Kashmir, during the Musharraf years, but
has not been rewarded in any significant way by the political process
in New Delhi aimed at redressing Islamabad’s perceived grievances on
bilateral relations.

Between November last year and now, the establishment at the Research
and Analysis Wing (RAW) and elements in the Prime Minister’s Office
and the cabinet secretariat with intelligence backgrounds have
strenuously tried to put the lid on this view, which has serious
ramifications for New Delhi’s Pakistan policy.

Today’s attack in Kabul will, however, reinforce this view, albeit in
whispers in intelligence circles. Because it has come 10 days after
Krishna took a tough line at his meeting with Qureshi, the suicide
bombing will be seen as a warning to India not to go back, once again,
on the process started by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his
Pakistani counterpart in Sharm-el-Sheikh in July to restart their
bilateral dialogue.

Pakistan clearly sees Krishna’s stand at his meeting with Qureshi as
tantamount to rolling back the Sharm-el-Sheikh process.

When Qureshi emerged with Clinton yesterday to speak to reporters, he
was almost fatalistic about India and had low expectations. “The
meeting that I had with Mr Krishna... was, in my view, a positive
meeting, a constructive meeting. And being a politician, I can read
between the lines and I can tell you I got positive vibes, because my
message was positive, my engagement was positive, my intentions are
positive.... Obviously, he is going to go back and consult with the
leadership in Delhi and we will take it from there. But I have
suggested a way forward.”

The attack in Kabul, which has all the hallmarks of an ISI-inspired
plot, is also a warning to Pakistan’s civilian leadership not to
compromise its interests in Afghanistan and in bilateral relations
with India amid signs of a deterioration in cordiality between the
Pakistan army and the government of President Asif Ali Zardari.

The attack was executed a day after foreign secretary Nirupama Rao
made a policy speech on Afghanistan at a meeting in New Delhi
outlining India’s priorities in Kabul.

...and I am Sid Harth

bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-03 20:33:52 UTC
Permalink
http://mangalorean.com/news.php?newsid=148441&newstype=local

Mayawati's rural cleanliness project bridges social divide

Agra, Oct 3 (IANS) When Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati launched
a rural cleanliness scheme in 2008, not many realised the
revolutionary potential of "this seemingly innocent and unattractive
scheme" now being implemented all over the state.

More than 100,000 'safai karamcharis', or community sweepers, were
recruited under the scheme, two for each village. "These young men and
women from all castes, educated but without work, initially thought
they would not have to do any work but would get paid. A large number
paid hefty amounts to recruiting committees to get the jobs.

"What is happening now is that these people are being forced to work,
clean up the villages, the choked drains. If someone is reluctant, the
village pradhan can immediately stop payment of salary," says village
development functionary Subhash Jha working at the community
development office (CDO) here.

In the 636 villages of Agra district, 996 people were recruited -- 550
of them from the general category including Brahmins and Thakurs. A
large number are young women from this city. Many have to go to the
villages early in the morning.

"Lakshmi Kumari has given the impression to all in her locality she
goes out teaching in a village school," said Pratap Singh, a social
activist of Dayalbagh area here. But once in the village, she has to
pick up the broom and start cleaning the drains, while the villagers
watch.

"In our village Akhwai, in Akola block, there is a youngster Neeraj
Singh, son of Kadheru. He is a Jat who has completed school. Now he
has to go to work in Kheria village. The villagers make sure he really
cleans up the place," Gandhian activist Chandraveer Singh told IANS.

"All these fellows thought it was a regular government job and they
would get away without cleaning by bribing the village pradhans. But
the villagers have become clever. Many derive sadistic pleasure by
making them work, knowing some of them come from higher castes,"
Chandraveer added.

In Agra district, at least 100 mostly upper caste cleaners are alleged
to be working at the homes of district officials instead of where they
are supposed to work. But the villagers know their whereabouts and
make inquiries about them, Subhash said.

Madhu Devi, 35, goes from Agra city to work in Ghamauta village.
Another cleaner called Lakhan Singh goes to work on a motorcycle, gets
into his jeans and finishes off his cleaning assignment speedily to
get back to the city. One cleaner Sunil is a Yadav, while Santosh
Singh is a Lodhi, says Subhash.

They have to work in two shifts, one from 7 a.m. to 11 a.m. and the
other from 3 p.m. to 5 p.m. They cannot bunk as every day they have to
report to the village pradhan who has been given the power to stop
their salary.

"These fellows are getting something like Rs.9,000-10,000 a month as
fourth class employees of the state. This is a pretty attractive
package in the villages," said local resident Bahadur Singh, president
of the Gram Pradhans Association. A few months ago more than a dozen
were suspended by the chief development officer for not doing their
work satisfactorily.

Ravi Singh, environmentalist and progressive farmer of the Baruli Ahir
block, told IANS: "On paper the scheme does have the potential of
changing social equations in the countryside, but because of
corruption the scheme was not being implemented fairly.

"My village has three safai mitras. In the village set-up there's not
much garbage like in the cities. All the dirt eventually gets mixed up
with cow dung and becomes usable in the fields. They clean up the
approach roads and pick up the garbage from visible areas."

Ravi said the jobs should have gone to the really needy people and not
to just anyone who applied.

Social activist Netra Pal Singh, working for the Agra unit of the All
India Women's Conference, points out: "It's not easy in our social
order to pick up the broom and start cleaning public roads in full
view of the community. It does need lots of courage. Even if some
people have managed to get into the government muster rolls by bribing
officials, the community knows their new status of a safai karamchari
and in our scheme of things who would be happy with this new tag?"

But others say Mayawati has taken a major leap by bulldozing caste
prejudices.

In a February 2008 speech Mayawati had spelt out the contours of the
scheme which was later modified to include other castes. She said: "My
government has taken an unprecedented and historic decision to provide
more than one lakh permanent government jobs in rural areas for the
Valmiki community of Scheduled Castes.

"By this decision, all the 1.08 lakh revenue villages of Uttar Pradesh
will have at least one safai karamchari, and the person appointed will
be from the same village in most of the cases... This, besides meeting
the employment problem, will also make a sea change in the health
atmosphere of rural areas for it will ensure cleanliness and help
eradicate diseases spreading due to unhygienic conditions."

(Brij Khandelwal can be contacted at ***@ians.in)

IANS

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-04 09:10:07 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/a-la-kerala-cm-redraws-obc-lines/524723/

A la Kerala, CM redraws OBC lines
Sabyasachi Bandopadhyay

Posted: Sunday , Oct 04, 2009 at 0336 hrs

Kolkata: Taking a leaf out of the Left-ruled Kerala, the Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee government is quietly working on a plan to bring in more
Muslim sub-groups under the OBC category so that reservation benefits
could be extended to the community that has been the CPM’s traditional
support base.

The dwindling Muslim support base of the Left has been one of the key
reasons for a series of poll debacles the ruling Left Front has faced
in the state in recent times.

In Kerala, 99.7 per cent of the Muslim population has been brought
under the OBC category. In West Bengal, there are 11 Muslim sub-groups
that fall under OBCs and form about 2.89 per cent of the total Muslim
population of the state. Now, the government has identified 37 more
Muslim sub-groups to be brought under the OBC category and that will
push the percentage up to 8-9 per cent of the total Muslim population
in the state.

The proposal from the Minority Affairs Department, which is under the
chief minister, will be placed before the state Cabinet for approval
soon. Another 10 groups are going to be identified soon, according to
sources.

“There are many sections in the Muslim community that are economically
weak and need reservation for their amelioration. So we are trying to
identify them and bring them into the OBC category,” Minister of State
for Minority Affairs, Abdus Sattar, told The Indian Express.

In West Bengal, OBCs enjoy seven per cent reservation in employment
but unlike SCs or STs, they do not enjoy reservation in education.

In fact, Bhattacharjee reportedly got fascinated by the Kerala model
after he had to shelve his plan for reservation for Muslims following
the Andhra Pradesh fiasco. On October 5, 2005, the Andhra government
passed a Bill providing for 5 per cent reservation for Muslims in
educational institutions and government services but the move got
bogged down in legal imbroglio.

Even on August 3 this year, the late Andhra CM Y S Rajashekhar Reddy
reiterated that his government was committed to providing reservation
for Muslims. But much before that, Bhattacharjee, singed by the Andhra
experience, chose to follow the path his comrades-in-arms in Kerala
have shown. He ordered his officials to identify as many Muslim groups
as OBCs so that they could be given the fruits of reservation.

It is the Cultural Research Institute under the Backward Classes
Welfare Department which made a comprehensive list of 73 sub-groups
under the Muslim community of which 37 have been recommended for
approval as OBCs.

“Our commitment is to the improvement of the Muslim community, which
is traditionally poor,” Sattar said.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-04 09:12:50 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/centre-working-hard-to-implement-sachar-recommendations/516710/

‘Centre working hard to implement Sachar recommendations’
Express News Service

Posted: Monday , Sep 14, 2009 at 0305 hrs

Kolkata: Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee claimed that the
Central government is working hard for the development of the
minorities.

Speaking at a function to distribute clothes to the poor at Furfura
Sharif in Hooghly district on Sunday, Mukherjee said the Centre is
trying hard to implement the recommendations of Justice Rajinder
Sachar Committee for the upliftment of the minorities.

The finance minister visited Furfura Sharif along with Sultan Ahmed,
Union Minister of State for Tourism. Ahmed said efforts were on to
improve the road condition and other facilities at Furfura Sharif and
plans are afoot to include it on the tourist map of Bengal.

Leader of the Opposition in the state Assembly Partha Chatterjee said
his party would do everything to ensure the proper implementation of
the Sachar Committee recommendations. Local Trinamool leader Idris
Ali, one of the organisers of the function, demanded the setting up of
a hospital in the area.

Mukherjee also lauded Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee. “She has taken
over just a few months ago, but has already done a lot for everyone
and has given special emphasis to the upliftment of the minorities.
She has delivered on most of the promises,” he said.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-04 11:28:21 UTC
Permalink
http://blogs.reuters.com/pakistan/

Pakistan: Now or Never?

Perspectives on Pakistan
10:46 October 2nd, 2009

Talk of Waziristan offensive picks up in Pakistan

Comments (32)
Posted by: Myra MacDonald

According to Dawn newspaper, the Pakistan Army is poised to launch a
major military operation in South Waziristan, stronghold of the
Pakistani Taliban.

It quotes senior military and security officials as saying that the
army would launch what it called “the mother of all battles” in the
coming days.

“If we don’t take the battle to them, they will bring the battle to
us,” it quotes a senior military official as saying of the militants.
“The epicentre of the behemoth called the Taliban lies in South
Waziristan, and this is where we will be fighting the toughest of all
battles.”

“For three months, the military has been drawing up plans, holding in-
depth deliberations and carrying out studies on past expeditions to
make what seems to be the last grand stand against Pakistani Taliban
in the Mehsud heartland a success,” it says.

“We are ready. The environment is ready,” it quotes the senior officer
as saying. “It will not be a walkover. This is going to be casualty-
intensive hard fighting. The nation will have to bear the pain,” said
another officer.

The Pakistan Army is not saying anything in public, and information
about its operations in Waziristan is hard to come by since the area
is so remote and inaccessible.

But any ground offensive into South Waziristan would be a major
escalation in the Pakistan Army’s battle against the Pakistani
Taliban, dwarfing its operation earlier this year to clear militants
out of the Swat valley northwest of Islamabad.

The army has been reluctant to send ground troops into South
Waziristan, instead aiming to seal off the area and rely on airstrikes
to target militants. But talk of a possible ground offensive has risen
after two bomb attacks last weekend raised fears the Pakistani Taliban
were recovering from the death of their leader, Baitullah Mehsud, in a
U.S. missile strike in August.

Interior Minister Rehman Malik told me earlier this week that Pakistan
was considering whether it needed to launch a full-scale military
operation against the Pakistani Taliban, who he described as “the
front face of al Qaeda”.

And according to Dawn, “Thousands of army soldiers - two divisions -
are now sitting on the fringes of the Mehsud mainland waiting for
orders from the high command to move in.”

South Waziristan is believed to be heavily defended; it is larger than
Swat and more inaccessible. Its people have always been hostile to
outsiders, unlike Swat which was once a tourist paradise before it was
overrun by Taliban militants. So any ground offensive would likely
cause heavy casualties.

The general view has also been that the army has been running out of
time to launch a ground offensive before the winter snows make
operations extremely hard and would defer any big moves until the
spring. That could still be the case, if it judges that a combination
of air attacks and missile strikes by U.S. drones - the latest
reported casualty from these was Uzbek militant leader Tahir Yuldashev
- is enough to keep the militants at bay and stop them from bombing
Pakistani cities.

But Malik said Pakistan could even launch an operation in winter if
needs be. “Even in the winter, even before starting winter … if we
feel appropriate that this operation is unavoidable, yes, we will
consider that,” he said.

The Pakistan Army has years of experience of fighting in winter
conditions - along with the Indian Army it became a world expert in
high-altitude warfare in the conflict over the Siachen region which
erupted in 1984, and it also has troops posted in the mountains along
the Line of Control dividing Kashmir - although there has been a
ceasefire there since 2003.

So it is not out of the question for the Pakistan Army to launch an
offensive that drags into the winter. According to the Dawn report,
temperatures in Waziristan can drop to 20 degrees below freezing, with
snow setting in towards the end of November — fairly brutal conditions
for an offensive, but less hostile in terms of weather than it has had
to deal with in Siachen over the years. And Dawn quotes military
strategists as saying the weather problem would hit the militants more
than the troops, although the former would have the advantage of
knowing their terrain.

In its battle against Islamist militants, Pakistan has concentrated on
tackling the Pakistani Taliban, which threaten the country directly.
That has annoyed the United States, which wants Pakistan to move as
well against militants fighting western troops in Afghanistan,
including the Afghan Taliban which it says are based in Quetta, in
Baluchistan province. India is pressing for action against militant
groups based in Pakistan’s Punjab province, including the Lashkar-e-
Taiba militant group it blames for last year’s attack on Mumbai.

But for now, attention within Pakistan seems to be turning to
Waziristan for what could turn out to be the toughest military
campaign in the whole of the Afghanistan and Pakistan theatre.

(File photos:Pakistani soldier in Swat; Pakistan army chief General
Ashfaq Kayani with U.S. General David Petraeus; Taliban fighters;
author in Siachen)

Comments (32) |
17:13 September 30th, 2009

from India: A billion aspirations:

Is Gaddafi’s U.N. speech winning him a fan base in Kashmir?

Comments (33)
Posted by: Sheikh Mushtaq

A street vendor in Srinagar, Kashmir's summer capital, sold hundreds
of framed portraits of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi in the last one
week.

Kashmiri separatists and many residents are all praise for Gaddafi
after his maiden address to the U.N. General Assembly last week in
which he said Kashmir should be an "independent state."

It was a diplomatic embarrassment for India but has Gaddafi's U.N.
speech actually won him an enthusiastic fan base in strife-weary
Kashmir where Muslim militants are fighting New Delhi's rule since
1989.

The Libyan leader told the U.N. General Assembly last week that
Kashmir should be an independent state, not Indian, not Pakistani.

Last week, dozens of Kashmiris carried placards reading "Gaddafi The
Lion of Desert II" referring to the 1981 Hollywood movie "Lion of the
Desert", which is about Omar Mukhtar, who led the rebellion against
Italian rule in Libya and was captured and hanged in 1931.

The movie on Omar Mukhtar encouraged rebellion in Kashmir in 1985.
This is for the first time in recent times a Muslim leader outside the
Indian sub-continent has advocated Kashmir's complete independence
both from India and Pakistan.

The two countries claim the region in full but rule in parts.

Encouraged by the speech, separatist leaders say Gaddafi's statement
in the U.N. General Assembly should serve as an eye-opener for Indian
and Pakistani leaders.

Despite two wars over Kashmir, India and Pakistan have so far failed
to find a solution to the more than six-decade-old dispute over
Kashmir.

New Delhi has so far largely struggled to win the hearts and minds of
the people of Kashmir, where anti-India sentiment still runs deep.

Gaddafi also opposed the expansion of the U.N. Security Council by
including countries like India. New Delhi, which has downplayed
Gaddafi's statement, has not yet reacted officially.

Has Gaddafi's U.N. speech on Kashmir's "freedom" won him foes in India
and friends in Kashmir?

Comments (33) |
15:24 September 30th, 2009

Pakistan and Britain: On exits and entrances

Comments (34)
Posted by: Myra MacDonald

With one million Britons of Pakistani origin, and as the former
colonial power, Britain has a unique relationship with Pakistan. But
concerns about Britain’s vulnerability to bomb attacks planned by
Pakistan-based militants — British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has
said that three-quarters of the most serious plots investigated by
British authorities had links to al Qaeda in Pakistan — has made for a
rocky relationship.

Irfan Husain, a columnist for Dawn newspaper who divides his time
between Britain and Pakistan, writes that these tensions are being
worsened by the problems Pakistanis have in obtaining visas to visit
Britain.

“It is true that Pakistan is increasingly viewed as the epicentre of
Islamic terrorism. Many plots, real and imaginary, have had their
roots in the badlands of Fata (the Federally Administered Tribal
Areas),” he writes. “Many young Brits of Pakistani descent have
travelled to remote parts of the country to receive training in bomb-
making. But the point is that these young men do not need visas to
return to Bradford and Wolverhampton. Being born in Britain, they
enter their country without let or hindrance.”

Among those denied entry were members of the Lahore Pipe Band hoping
to take part in a world championship in Scotland, a trade delegation,
a well-known columnist, and a guitarist.

It’s not entirely clear whether the visa problems are driven more by
bureaucratic bungling than fear of terrorism. The Guardian newspaper
says that several thousand Pakistani students hoping to start
university in Britain are facing delays of three months or more for
visas because of a “bureaucratic fiasco” - after a reorganisation,
visa applications from Pakistan are now processed in Abu Dhabi.

Husain argues that by denying entry to the likes of writers and
musicians, Britain is compounding the very problem it wants to contain
- the spread of extremism. These are the kind of people who should be
made welcome in the west, he says. ”Given the position they enjoy in
Pakistan, they can influence many to see that the enemy is not the
West, but the forces of darkness that have gained the ascendancy in
our own country. By turning them down, the British government only
provides ammunition to those who are convinced of the West’s inherent
anti-Islam policies.”

In any case, most security analysts would argue that the main concern
is not about Pakistanis coming into Britain; it is about Britons of
Pakistani origin leaving the country to attend militant training camps
based in Pakistan. On this subject, Stephen Tankel has an interesting
post about signs of growth in the operations of the Lashkar-e-Taiba
(LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) militant groups. Based in Pakistan’s
heartland Punjab province, these groups were initially focused on
fighting India over Kashmir, but are increasingly seen as a potential
or direct threat to the west.

“In the past JeM and LeT were valuable to al-Qaeda because of what is
called the ‘Kashmiri Escalator’. A disproportionate number of British
Pakistanis are of Kashmiri decent and those interested in making
contact with a militant group often can employ familial connections in
Pakistan-controlled Kashmir to find their ways to Lashkar or JeM,” he
writes.

“Recruits procure training from one of the two groups, after which
some of them are passed on to al-Qaeda operatives who are often in the
FATA. In 2009 British security officials estimated that approximately
4,000 people were trained in this way since 9/11…”

The apparent growth of these two groups in the heart of Pakistan, he
writes, give pause for thought about the U.S.-led campaign in
Afghanistan. “Enormous sacrifices are being made to keep Afghanistan
free from al-Qaeda and its allies. Meanwhile, next-door some of those
same allies are building away in the seemingly safest of havens.”

The argument about who is responsible for British citizens seeking
training in militant camps in Pakistan is a complex one - both
countries tend to blame the other. And as Amil Khan wrote in this post
last year, the attitude of British Pakistanis to Pakistan is far more
layered than a simple question of which country should take the blame
when something goes wrong.

But if one of the aims is to stop young British Pakistanis from being
drawn towards hardline Islam, and at the same time offer them an
alternative image of both Britain and Pakistan, why ban the bagpipers?

Comments (34) |
11:06 September 25th, 2009

India, Pakistan and Afghanistan: the impossible triangle

Comments (133)
Posted by: Myra MacDonald

A single paragraph in General Stanley McChrystal’s leaked assessment
of the war in Afghanistan has generated much interest, particularly in
Pakistan.

“Indian political and economic influence is increasing in Afghanistan,
including significant development efforts and financial investment,”
it says. “In addition the current Afghan government is perceived by
Islamabad to be pro-Indian. While Indian activities largely benefit
the Afghan people, increasing Indian influence in Afghanistan is
likely to exacerbate regional tensions and encourage Pakistani counter-
measures in Afghanistan or India.”

He did not say anything that anybody did not already know. Pakistan
has long been wary of India’s growing influence in Afghanistan since
the fall of the Taliban in 2001 and is seen as reluctant to turn
against the Afghan Taliban and other insurgent groups as long as it
believes it might need them to counter India. The fact that he said it
all suggested a renewed focus on the relationship between India and
Pakistan, whose confrontation to the east spilled long ago into
rivalry over Afghanistan to the west.

Pakistan’s Daily Times said in an editorial the rivalry between India
and Pakistan in Afghanistan highlighted the need for peace talks
between the two nuclear-armed neighbours, which have fought three full-
scale wars since independence in 1947, two of them over Kashmir.

“One must be clear in one’s mind that in many ways the mess in
Afghanistan is actually a spillover of the Indo-Pak conflict in the
region of South Asia,” it said. “Pakistan’s policy of “strategic
depth”, which reached a climax with the hijacking of an Indian
airliner to Kandahar in 1999, was in reaction to the unresolved
dispute over Kashmir which created the “threat of India” that Pakistan
felt “from the east”. Even today, as Pakistan struggles against the
Taliban, 80 percent of its army is stationed on the Indian border.

Dawn newspaper said McChrystal’s words on India were ”perhaps as
significant as any other in the report”. The Americans appeared to
have finally understood, it said, that the war in Afghanistan could
not be won without help from Pakistan. “But that means gaining
Pakistan’s full cooperation, which in turn means alleviating the
national security establishment’s concerns vis-à-vis India.”

However, as discussed in this analysis, India is in little mood to
move rapidly towards peace talks with Pakistan until it takes greater
action against militants it blames for last year’s attack on Mumbai,
although the two countries have been taking incremental steps towards
repairing relations. Many argue that the powerful Pakistan Army would
be unlikely to turn against militant groups it once cultivated to
fight India in Kashmir, without a comprehensive peace settlement with
India. (For an understanding of how complicated all this is, read this
book reviewby Pakistani strategic analyst Ayesha Siddiqa.)

So, to win the war in Afghanistan, the United States needs help from
Pakistan, which Pakistan in turn is reluctant to provide so long as it
believes it is threatened by India to both the west and east. From
Washington’s point of view, it needs to nudge Islamabad and New Delhi
towards the negotiating table, by leaning on Pakistan to act against
militant groups and putting pressure on India to resume peace talks.

Here is another catch. Although the relationship between the United
States and India blossomed under former President George W. Bush,
there is far less warmth in New Delhi towards the Obama
administration. The relationship started on the wrong foot with India
concerned about increasing U.S. economic dependence on its rival
China.

Now India and the United States are at loggerheads over President
Barack Obama’s nuclear non-proliferation drive. India has never
signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That row, in turn,
complicates efforts by Washington to persuade India to talk to
Pakistan.

(Reuters file photos: Obama with Karzai and Biden; a British soldier
in Afghanistan; hijacked Indian Airlines plane in Kandahar)

Comments (133) |
06:26 September 25th, 2009

In Pakistan, not over the moon

Comments (11)
Posted by: Reuters Staff

By Zeeshan Haider

Pakistan is battling Taliban militants, trying to patch up relations
with old rival India and struggling to revive a limping economy but
another issue has preoccupied the country over recent days: the
sighting of the moon that markes the end of the Muslim fasting month
of Ramadan.

A row erupted when the Eid al Fitr holiday that follows Ramadan was
celebrated in several parts of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) on
Sunday, a day ahead of the rest of the country. Many Pakistanis say
that violated a spirit of harmony and unity that should mark one of
the most important events of the Islamic calender.

Some clerics in NWFP announced on Saturday evening that the crescent
moon, which marks the end of a month in Islam’s lunar calender, had
been sighted, meaning Ramadan was over and Eid would be celebrated the
next day. But a government-appointed body of clerics responsible for
moon-sighting rejected the announcement, citing reports from the
Meteorological Department that said the moon could not be seen on
Saturday.

Clerics in NWFP, a religiously conservative region on the Afghan
border dominated by ethnic Pashtuns, have called Eid early before but
this time the politicians jumped into the fray. The Awami National
Party (ANP), a secular party ruling NWFP which is also part of the
federal coalition, backed the clerics from its province who called Eid
early.

Analysts say the ANP’s stand could be a aimed at winning the support
of conservative Pashtuns.

Some ANP ministers exchanged barbs with Mufti Muneeb-ur-Rehman, the
head of the federal government’s moon-sighting committee, and called
for his removal.

Minister for Railways and senior ANP leader Bashir Ahmed Bilour
described Rehman as a “remnant” of Pervez Musharraf, the former
military ruler who stepped down as president last year after ruling
the country for nine years, and said he should be replaced by Mufti
Shahbuddin Popalzai, a hardline cleric from NWFP who called Eid early.

Rehman responded by saying Bilour was trying to stoke religious
tension by promoting the conservative Popalzai.

“By demanding that Popalzai be made chairman of the Reut-e-Hilal (moon-
sighting) Committee, Bilour is paving the way for Talibanisation in
other parts of the country,” the News newspaper
quoted Rehman as saying.

Both Bilour and Rehman later toned down their rhetoric.

Bilour apologised for some of his remarks while Rehman said he would
not oppose Popalzai’s appointment as a member of the central moon-
sighting committee.

But debate is still raging in the media, amid calls for the federal
government to take steps to ensure unity on religious questions.

“I have a simple suggestion to permanently end the annual moon-
sighting controversy: a compulsory course in astronomy for all members
of the Reut-e-Hilal Committee as well as those clerics who think that
the moon should appear in Pakistan on the same day as in Saudi
Arabia,”
Shakir Laskhani said in a letter published in the News newspaper on
Thursday.

The daily said in an editorial headlined “Moon madness” scientific
methods should be employed when sighting the moon.

“The time has come to find rationality”.

[Reuters pictures of Lahore's Badshahi mosque and sighting of the moon
in Malaysia]

Comments (11) |
10:34 September 24th, 2009

India and Pakistan: the changing nature of conflict

Comments (53)
Posted by: Sanjeev Miglani

Early last year a group of Indian and Pakistan retired generals and
strategic experts sat down for a war-gaming exercise in Washington.
The question, predictably enough, was at what point during a
conventional war, would the generals in Rawalpindi GDQ reach for the
nuclear trigger.

In the event, the simulated war took on an unpredictable turn, which
in some ways was more illuminating than the question of nuclear
escalation, as columnist Ashok Malik writes in The Great Divide:India
and Pakistan, a collection of essays by experts on both sides of the
border.

The exercise begins with an Indian military strike on militant camps
in Pakistani Kashmir, the most commonly envisaged scenario for the
next India-Pakistan war. But the Pakistan response defies
conventional logic . They don’t order a military push into Indian
Punjab and Rajasthan, they don’t even attack Bombay High, the most
valuable Indian oil asset in the Arabian Sea, and well within striking
distance of the Pakistani Air Force.

Instead PAF planes fly all way to Bangalore, deep in the Indian south,
to attack the campus of Infosys, the much celebrated Indian IT
company.

Strange choice of target ? By all military logic it would seem so.
It’s not like all of India would be crippled if Infosys were
attacked, they don;’t run Indian IT infrastructure. Even the company
itself might not suffer lasting damage. Its data would probably be
stored in locations elsehwere too, and it wouldn’t take it long to
rebuild the campus. Besides. the Pakistani planes would be almost
certain to be shot down on their way back, if they managed to
penetrate this far in on what seems like a suicide mission.

So why Bangalore, and Infosys? Malilk quotes a Pakistani participant
as saying they chose the target because it is an “iconic symbol” of
India’s IT prowess and economic surge. The idea was to strike at
India’s economic growth and great power aspirations. A raid on the
Infosys campus, visited by heads of states and corporate leaders,
would underline the dangers of business in India and remind the world
that for all its new-found success, it remained a nation of
contradictions, and at heart, unstable.

Many people in the room were not convinced by the Pakistani choice.
It still seemed more like an academic exercise than anything rooted in
military reality. But in the aftermath of the Mumbai attacks later
that year, and in the light of renewed warnings this week by Israeli
intelligence of another Mumbai-like attack coming in the next few
weeks, it is clear that India’s vulnerability appears to be in
economic, rather than purely military, targets.

Indeed last year when tensions rose following the Mumbai attack and
there was talk of an Indian military response, it was Pakistan’s
former chief of intelligence Hamid Gul who warned of Pakistan hitting
back where it would hurt the most. India’s so-called Silicon Valley
will go up in smoke, Gul is widely quoted to have told CNN, if the
Indians sent troops to the border.

{Photographs of the Mumbai skyline and Indian and Pakistani soldiers
at Wagah]

Comments (53) |
12:30 September 17th, 2009

The missile shield and the “grand bargain” on Afghanistan and Pakistan
Comments (67)
Posted by: Myra MacDonald

Back in 2008, even before Barack Obama was elected, Washington pundits
were urging him to adopt a new regional approach to Afghanistan and
Pakistan involving Russia, India, China, Saudi Arabia and even Iran.
The basic argument was that more troops alone would not solve the
problems, and that the new U.S administration needed to subsume other
foreign policy goals to the interests of winning a regional consensus
on stabilising Afghanistan.

It would be simplistic to suggest that the Obama administration’s
decision to cancel plans to build a missile-shield in eastern Europe
was motivated purely — or even primarily — by a need to seek Russian
help in Afghanistan. But it certainly serves as a powerful reminder
about how far that need to seek a “grand bargain” on Afghanistan may
be reshaping and influencing policy decisions around the world.

“Securing Afghanistan and its region will require an international
presence for many years, but only a regional diplomatic initiative
that creates a consensus to place stabilizing Afghanistan ahead of
other objectives could make a long-term international deployment
possible,” Barnett Rubin and Ahmed Rashid argued in their much-cited
2008 policy paper titled “From Great Game to Grand Bargain”. (pdf
document).

Many of those arguments reappeared in a more recent report by the Asia
Society (pdf document) — formerly chaired by U.S special envoy to
Afghanistan Richard Holbrooke – so they are worth studying closely.

The ideas were ambitious and far-reaching, from remapping relations
between Russia and the United States, prodding India and Pakistan
towards a peace deal on Kashmir, seeking help from Iran and drawing in
China and Saudi Arabia. Some of those ideas were blown off course by
the financial crisis, by the row in Iran over its disputed election,
and by last November’s attack on Mumbai which undermined U.S. attempts
to steer India and Pakistan towards a peace deal.

And recently, they had been almost completely drowned by the media
focus on military tactics and the merits of sending more troops to
Afghanistan. With the U.S. decision to cancel the missile shield, one
of those ideas — about seeking Russian help in Afghanistan — may have
finally managed to break above the surface again.

In the case of Russia, the question was always about what price the
United States was willing to pay to win Moscow’s help in Afghanistan,
possibly through less ardent support for NATO aspirants Ukraine and
Georgia and a review of the missile shield due to be set up in the
Czech Republic and Poland.

Obama already moved to try to assuage fears in Moscow and elsewhere
that the United States might be seeking a permanent military presence
in Afghanistan, a long-standing concern in Russia wary of having U.S.
troops in what it sees as its backyard. “Make no mistake: we do not
want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases
there,” Obama said in his speech in Cairo in June.

But it has been unclear how much further he might be willing to
compromise to win Russia’s support for what has become widely known as
“Obama’s war” in Afghanistan.

As discussed in this post, the Moscow Times spelled out what it saw as
the price of Russian cooperation in Afghanistan in an op-ed published
before Obama’s inauguration:

“Afghanistan may well define your foreign policy legacy the way Iraq
defined Bush’s,” it said. “You will need all the support you can
muster, including from Iran. You will also need Russia’s support.
Moscow understands that the stability of its southern flank will
hugely depend on what happens on the Hindu Kush mountain range in
eastern Afghanistan and northwestern Pakistan. But Moscow is torn
between giving support to the West and preparing for the West’s
withdrawal from Afghanistan. The latter would mean cutting deals with
the Taliban locally and relying on China strategically. You can help
Russia make the right choice.”

Of course, there are many other reasons for, and consequences of, the
U.S. decision on the missile shield, as discussed here and here.

But if anyone wants a steer on the likely direction of U.S. foreign
policy, and its implications globally, it’s probably worth rereading
Barnett Rubin’s “grand bargain” proposal from last year. Diplomacy is
the art of the possible, and nobody expects the recommendations to be
followed to the letter. But with Obama a considerably more cerebral
president than his predecessor, the old “Read my Lips” slogan probably
needs to be replaced with a new one: “Read the pdf.”

(You can also find regular updates on the progress in relations
between India and Pakistan – one of the key themes of that report — on
“Pakistan:Now or Never”, most recently in this post)

(Reuters photos: Girl in Afghanistan; Holbrooke, Obama)

Comments (67) |
12:41 September 16th, 2009

Sting sings ‘Fragile” for Pakistan

Comments (3)
Posted by: Sanjeev Miglani

Pakistan’s nearly 2.3 million people forced from their homes in the
northwest are beginning to get more attention beyond the borders. Last
weekend Pakistani artistes as well singing great Sting came together
for a concert in the U.N.General Assemby in support of the men, women
and children who have become refugees in their own land in one of the
largest human dislocations in recent years.

The Concert for Pakistan was put together by Salman Ahmad, founder
of the Pakistani sufi rock group Junoon , which has created a mass
following with its songs of peace and harmony.

Top billing was Sting, though, with his song “How Fragile We Are ” .

Here’s the video of that performance from the On Faith feature of The
Washington Post.

Comments (3) |
10:47 September 15th, 2009

Opposition mounts to Pakistani farmland sale plan

Comments (20)
Posted by: Sanjeev Miglani

Pakistan is pushing ahead with a plan to sell or lease agriculture
land to foreign investors even as opposition grows at home. A Saudi
delegation is due in the country at the end of Ramadan this month for
further talks on a plan to lease an area of land more than twice the
size of Hong Kong, a Pakistani official told Reuters this month.

The Saudis are looking to boost their food security and Pakistan will
presumably will reap monetary benefits in return. But what about
Pakistan’s own food security in the longer term, All Things Pakistan
asked in a recent post.

A stampede for food in Karachi on Monday, although not related,
underscored Pakistan’s own vulnerabilities and the plight of some of
the nation’s desperately poor. Eighteen women and children died iin
the stampede that erupted when a local businessman was handing out
wheat flour among hundreds of poor women gathered in a narrow lane.

Those were the destitute, but giving away rich land to foreigners to
cultivate and take the produce to their homeland will ultimately hit
the ordinary Pakistani, the small farmer and those who indirectly
depend on farming for their livelihood, critics are warning.

Robert Schubert in a piece for Food and Water Watch says it has been
recognised in other parts of the world that such a “land grab” harms
local communities by dislodging smallholder farmers, aggravating rural
poverty and food insecurity. Many of the land purchases comprise tens
of thousands of acres which are then turned into single-crop farms –
and these dwarf the small-scale farms common in the developing world,
where nearly nine out of 10 farms (85 per cent) are less than five
acres.

Giving away land carries an unhappy connotation across South Asia,
perhaps more than in other parts of the world. And in Pakistan’s case,
at this difficult point in its history, it raises even more painful
questions.

To many it is yet another assault on the nation’s sovereignty. “With
the US increasingly occupying Pakistan with their covert and overt
armed presence, and the Gulf states taking over our rich agricultural
lands, our rulers are voluntarily making us a colony again – as we
were under the British who used our men to fight their wars and our
cheap labour to ship the finished produce back to Britain! Have we
come full circle after 62 years of our creation?” said defence expert
Shireen M. Mazari.

The Dawn wrote in an editorial headlined “Country for Sale” that the
government stood in violation of a UN General Assembly resolution on
Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources. It said the government
had moved ahead with the plan without running it past parliament and
it would do grievous damage to farmers. And it quoted a recent study
which identified Pakistan as one of the countries at “extreme risk” in
terms of food security. “This is the time to help local farmers and
landless peasants, not wealthy foreigners and their food needs,” it
said.

And all this is being played out against the backdrop of the militancy
raging across the country. Public discontent works to the militants
advantage and they could use this to bolster support, as discussed in
an earlier post on the same issue.

Or it could lead to fresh upheaval. Business Monitor Intelligence said
such deals had fallen apart in other parts of the world because of
local resistance. It cites the case of Madagascar where a plan to
lease a huge tract of agriculture land to a Korean company likely
contributed to the downfall of the president in March.

{Photographs of farmers in Multan and in Swabi in the northwest]

Comments (20) |
16:00 September 14th, 2009

India and Pakistan: looking beyond the rhetoric (part 2)

Comments (54)
Posted by: Myra MacDonald

Following up on my earlier post about what is happening behind the
scenes in the fraught relationship between India and Pakistan, it’s
worth keeping track of this report that Islamabad is considering
appointing former foreign secretary Riaz Mohammad Khan to handle the
informal dialogue with New Delhi known as “backchannel diplomacy”.

As discussed in this story there has been much talk about trying to
get the backchannel diplomacy between India and Pakistan up and
running again, both to reduce India-Pakistan rivalry in Afghanistan
and to prevent an escalation of tensions between the two countries
themselves. So any forward movement on the backchannel diplomacy, if
confirmed, would be important.

To recap (and with apologies to those who already know this), India
and Pakistan have many different ways of engaging with each other.
They have a formal peace process known as the composite dialogue,
started in 2004 and broken off by India after last November’s attack
on Mumbai. India has said it will not resume the composite dialogue
until Pakistan takes more action against those accused of involvement
in Mumbai.

Then there are Track II talks, in which politicians, journalists,
administrators and others on both sides of the border meet in a
private capacity to try to promote understanding between India and
Pakistan.

Senior politicians also have a habit of holding bilateral meetings on
the fringes of international conferences, as happened when Indian
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met President Zardari in Russia in June
and Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani in Egypt in July. The foreign
secretaries, or top diplomats, of both countries are also expected to
meet on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly this month, ahead of
a meeting between the foreign ministers.

But of all the different ways that India and Pakistan have found to
engage with each other, the backchannel diplomacy carried out away
from the glare of the media has arguably been the most successful. In
2003, the two countries agreed a ceasefire on the Line of Control
dividing disputed Kashmir, and extended it to Siachen, where the two
countries had fought a high-altitude war since 1984.

In 2007, Satinder Lambah, a special envoy to Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh, and Tariq Aziz, envoy to then president Pervez Musharraf,
etched out a set of principles meant to allow them to work towards a
resolution of the Kashmir dispute (Praveen Swami at The Hindu gives
the details here.)

I’m told there is no evidence the deal would ever have worked - many
crucial details had yet to be negotiated. And since the backchannel
talks were held in secret, it has always been unclear whether either
country could win over domestic constituencies which might resist or
sabotage any peace deal. But the backchannel diplomacy, and the
intellectual space it opened up even to consider an agreement on
Kashmir, functioned as an important ”shock absorber” between two
nuclear-armed countries which have already fought three full-scale
wars since independence in 1947.

The tentative “roadmap” agreement fell apart as Musharraf’s own
political fortunes deteriorated, and the backchannel talks have yet to
find their feet again in any kind of structured format.

The signs are that many other informal discussions are going on. As
discussed here, the Pakistan Army has moved a significant number of
troops away from its eastern border with India to fight the Pakistani
Taliban on its western border with Afghanistan. The head of the Inter-
Services Intelligence (ISI) broached what is effectively Indian
territory by attending an iftar at the Indian High Commision in
Islamabad. And the Indian government is trying to work out how to
engage the Hurriyat, the main political separatist group in Kashmir,
and that is something it can only do with Pakistani acquiescence.

But these informal contacts have lacked the structure of the
backchannel diplomacy, whose main aim was to work out a way towards
peace.

Until this week, it was unclear who would handle the backchannel
diplomacy on the Pakistan side to replace Tariq Aziz, who was an
appointee of Musharraf. On India’s side, Satinder Lambah could remain
as a special envoy to the prime minister.

So the suggestion that Riaz Mohammad Khan might be appointed to fill
that role for Pakistan would be a major step forward.

That said, there are plenty of spoilers in both countries who don’t
believe in the peace process. So if India and Pakistan find a way back
into their secret backchannel diplomacy, we might never know.

(Reuters file photos: A child at the funeral of Benazir Bhutto; Prime
Minister Singh and President Zardari in Yekaterinburg; the gates
closing on the india-Pakistan border; and a soldier at base camp in
Siachen)

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-04 17:26:50 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/news/india/HC-pulls-up-govt-for-detaining-Pakistanis-others/articleshow/5086916.cms

HC pulls up govt for detaining Pakistanis, others
IANS 4 October 2009, 04:16pm IST

NEW DELHI: The Delhi High Court has pulled up the government for
detaining many foreigners, particularly Pakistanis, without proper
detention order, and wanted to know why these people have not been
deported to their countries.

Counsel Arvind Nigam told a bench of Chief Justice Ajit Prakash Shah
and Justice Manmohan that many foreign nationals have been languishing
in Foreigners Regional Registration Office (FRRO) deportation camps
since 2006 and no effort has been made by the government to deport
them.

"Some people have been there for 2-3 years without any detention
order," Nigam told the court. The exact number of people detained in
these camps is not known.

Last year, 11 detainees wrote a letter to the Chief Justice
complaining about the poor conditions of living in deportation camps.
They said the camps faced perennial shortage of drinking water and the
quality of food served was also poor. The court took the letter as a
public interest litigation and initiated legal proceedings.

Government counsel Zubeda Begum said some of the people have been
detained for security reasons. Others have been detained for crimes
like not possessing proper visa documents and not completing basic
immigration formalities.

To this, the court said: "You (government) must detain the person with
appropriate legal order."

The court also asked the government counsel whether any exchange of
detainees has taken place between India and Pakistan. The petition
says that many of the foreign nationals in the camps are Pakistanis.
The exact number of Pakistanis in such camps is not known.

"Provide us with the figures as to how many such exchange of prisoners
took place (between India and Pakistan). We just can't turn a blind
eye to the people who are suffering because of (lack of) diplomatic
relations," the bench said.

The court asked the government counsel to consult the union home
secretary and file a detailed affidavit as to what is the present
status of all the foreigners living in camps by the next date of
hearing.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-04 18:35:35 UTC
Permalink
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/10/04/AR2009100401260.html

Billions in US aid never reached Pakistan army

By KATHY GANNON
The Associated Press
Sunday, October 4, 2009; 11:24 AM

PHOTOS

FILE - This May 16, 2009 file photo shows Pakistani Army soldiers
patrolling along Malakand road near Mardan, in northwest Pakistan. The
United States has long suspected that much of the billions of dollars
it has sent Pakistan to battle militants has been diverted to the
domestic economy and other causes, such as fighting India. Now the
scope and longevity of the misuse is becoming clear: Between 2002 and
2008, while al-Qaida regrouped, only $500 million of the $6.6 billion
in American aid actually made it to the Pakistani military, two army
generals tell The Associated Press.

(AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, File) (Emilio Morenatti - AP)

FILE - This May 16, 2009 file photo shows Pakistani Army soldiers
patrolling along Malakand road near Mardan, in northwest Pakistan. The
United States has long suspected that much of the billions of dollars
it has sent Pakistan to battle militants has been diverted to the
domestic economy and other causes, such as fighting India. Now the
scope and longevity of the misuse is becoming clear: Between 2002 and
2008, while al-Qaida regrouped, only $500 million of the $6.6 billion
in American aid actually made it to the Pakistani military, two army
generals tell The Associated Press.

(AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, File) (Emilio Morenatti - AP)

FILE - This Oct. 25, 2008 file photo shows a Pakistani armored vehicle
firing toward Taliban positions in Loi Sam, in the Bajur tribal
region, Pakistan. The United States has long suspected that much of
the billions of dollars it has sent Pakistan to battle militants has
been diverted to the domestic economy and other causes, such as
fighting India. Now the scope and longevity of the misuse is becoming
clear: Between 2002 and 2008, while al-Qaida regrouped, only $500
million of the $6.6 billion in American aid actually made it to the
Pakistani military, two army generals tell The Associated Press.

(AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, Pool, File) (Emilio Morenatti - AP)

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan -- The United States has long suspected that much
of the billions of dollars it has sent Pakistan to battle militants
has been diverted to the domestic economy and other causes, such as
fighting India.

Now the scope and longevity of the misuse is becoming clear: Between
2002 and 2008, while al-Qaida regrouped, only $500 million of the $6.6
billion in American aid actually made it to the Pakistani military,
two army generals tell The Associated Press.

The account of the generals, who asked to remain anonymous because
military rules forbid them from speaking publicly, was backed up by
other retired and active generals, former bureaucrats and government
ministers.

At the time of the siphoning, Pervez Musharraf, a Washington ally,
served as both chief of staff and president, making it easier to
divert money intended for the military to bolster his sagging image at
home through economic subsidies.

"The army itself got very little," said retired Gen. Mahmud Durrani,
who was Pakistan's ambassador to the U.S. under Musharraf. "It went to
things like subsidies, which is why everything looked hunky-dory. The
military was financing the war on terror out of its own budget."

Generals and ministers say the diversion of the money hurt the
military in very real ways:

-Helicopters critical to the battle in rugged border regions were not
available. At one point in 2007, more than 200 soldiers were trapped
by insurgents in the tribal regions without a helicopter lift to
rescue them.

-The limited night vision equipment given to the army was taken away
every three months for inventory and returned three weeks later.

-Equipment was broken, and training was lacking. It was not until 2007
that money was given to the Frontier Corps, the front-line force, for
training.

The details on misuse of American aid come as Washington again
promises Pakistan money. Legislation to triple general aid to Pakistan
cleared Congress last week. The legislation also authorizes "such sums
as are necessary" for military assistance to Pakistan, upon several
conditions. The conditions include certification that Pakistan is
cooperating in stopping the proliferation of nuclear weapons, that
Pakistan is making a sustained commitment to combating terrorist
groups and that Pakistan security forces are not subverting the
country's political or judicial processes.

The U.S. is also insisting on more accountability for reimbursing
money spent. For example, Pakistan is still waiting for $1.7 billion
for which it has billed the United States under a Coalition Support
Fund to reimburse allies for money spent on the war on terror.

But the U.S. still can't follow what happens to the money it doles
out.

"We don't have a mechanism for tracking the money after we have given
it to them," Pentagon spokesman Lt. Col. Mark Wright said in a
telephone interview.

Musharraf's spokesman, retired Gen. Rashid Quereshi, flatly denied
that his former boss had shortchanged the army. He did not address the
specific charges. "He has answered these questions. He has answered
all the questions," the spokesman said. Musharraf took power in a
bloodless coup in 1999 and resigned in August 2008.

The misuse of funding helps to explain how al-Qaida, dismantled in
Afghanistan in 2001, was able to regroup, grow and take on the weak
Pakistani army. Even today, the army complains of inadequate equipment
to battle Taliban entrenched in tribal regions.

For its part, Washington did not ask many questions of a leader,
Musharraf, whom it considered an ally, according to a U.S. Government
Accountability Office report released last year.

Pakistan has received more money from the fund than any other nation.
It is also the least expensive war front. The amount the U.S. spends
per soldier per month is just $928, compared with $76,870 in
Afghanistan and $85,640 in Iraq.

Yet by 2008, the United States had provided Pakistan with $8.6 billion
in military money, and more than $12 billion in all.

"The army was sending in the bills," said one general who asked not to
be identified because it is against military rules to speak publicly.
"The army was taking from its coffers to pay for the war effort - the
access roads construction, the fuel, everything. ... This is the
reality - the army got peanuts."

Some of the money from the U.S. even went to buying weapons from the
United States better suited to fighting India than in the border
regions of Afghanistan - armor-piercing tow missiles, sophisticated
surveillance equipment, air-to-air missiles, maritime patrol aircraft,
anti-ship missiles and F-16 fighter aircraft.

"Pakistan insisted and America agreed. Pakistan said we also have a
threat from other sources," Durrani said, referring to India, "and we
have to strengthen our overall capacity. "The money was used to buy
and support capability against India."

The army also suffered from mismanagement, Durrani said. As an
example, he cited Pakistani attempts to buy badly needed attack
helicopters.

Pakistan asked for Cobra helicopters because it knows how to maintain
them, he said. But the helicopters were old, and to make them battle-
ready, the Pentagon sent them to a company that had no experience with
Cobras and took two years, he said.

As a result, in 2007, Pakistan had only one working helicopter - a
debilitating handicap in the battle against insurgents who hide, train
and attack from the hulking mountains that run like a seam along the
Afghan-Pakistani border.

The army was also frustrated about not getting more money. Military
spokesman Gen. Athar Abbas said the U.S. gave nothing to offset the
cost of Pakistan's dead and wounded in the war on terror. He estimated
1,800 Pakistani soldiers had been killed since 2003 and 4,800 more
wounded, most of them seriously.

The hospital and rehabilitation costs for the wounded have come to
more than $25 million, Abbas said. Pakistan's military also gives land
to the widows of the dead, educates their children and provides health
care.

"These costs do not appear anywhere," he said. "There is no U.S.
compensation for the casualties, assistance with aid to the grieving
families."

Even while money was being siphoned off for other purposes on
Pakistan's end, the U.S. imposed little control over or even had
specific knowledge of what went where, according to reports by the
U.S. Government Accountability Office. The reports covered 2002
through 2008.

The reports found that the Pentagon often ignored its own oversight
rules, didn't get adequate documents and doled out money without
asking for an explanation.

For more than a year, the Pentagon paid Pakistan's navy $19,000 a
month per vehicle just for repair costs on a fleet of fewer than 20
vehicles. Monthly food bills doubled for no apparent reason, and for a
year the Pentagon paid the bills without checking, according to the
report.

Daniyal Aziz, a minister in Musharraf's government, said he warned
U.S. officials that the money they were giving his government was
being misused, but to no avail.

"They both deserved each other, Musharraf and the Americans," he
said.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-05 08:04:21 UTC
Permalink
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/10/05/AR2009100500256.html

Blast at WFP office in Pakistan

The Associated Press
Monday, October 5, 2009; 3:54 AM

ISLAMABAD -- Police say a suicide bomber carried out the attack on the
World Food Program offices in the Pakistani capital.

Police officer Bin Yamin says three people were killed in the blast
Monday, including an Iraqi working there.

He said the attacker blew himself up in the lobby of the heavily
guarded and fortified building.

THIS IS A BREAKING NEWS UPDATE. Check back soon for further
information. AP's earlier story is below.

ISLAMABAD (AP) - A bomb inside the offices of the World Food Program
in the Pakistani capital killed at least two people and wounded
several others Monday, police and witnesses said.

The blast left victims lying on the ground in pools of blood and
shattered windows in the heavily guarded and fortified building in
Islamabad, witness said.

Al-Qaida and Taliban militants have carried out scores of attacks in
Pakistan over the last 2 1/2 years, a number of them targeting
foreigners and their interests. Under U.S. pressure, Pakistani
security forces are targeting the extremists in their strongholds in
the northwest.

Dr. Altaf Hussain said two people were killed and four others wounded.
Another hospital official said one of the dead was a foreigner.

UN spokeswoman Ishrat Rizvi says it is not yet clear whether the
device "was thrown or already planted."

"I was on the upper floor when there was the sound of a huge explosion
downstairs. I found many of my colleagues lying on the floor full of
blood," said a WFP employee who declined to be named. "We immediately
put the most critically wounded in a vehicle and rushed them to
hospital."

The WFP is distributing food to poor Pakistanis, including those in
the northwest.

The British defense and home ministers were visiting Islamabad at the
time of the attack, but were unaffected.

...and I am Sid Harth
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